Wonders - Vol 6 No 3 - 2001

Magazine Overview

WONDERS, Vol. 6 No. 3, published in September 2001, is dedicated to exploring the possibility of pre-Columbian Irish and other European contact with North America. The issue features an article by Mark A. Hall titled "THE PRE-COLUMBIAN IRISH IN THE NEW WORLD."

The Pre-Columbian Irish in the New World

Mark A. Hall's article delves into historical and archaeological evidence suggesting that Europeans, particularly the Irish, may have reached North America centuries before the Norse. The author examines Norse sagas and documents that mention lands such as Vinland, Helluland, Markland, and the mysterious Hvitramannaland, which was described as a land of "White-man's land" and considered a colony of Irishmen, also known by names like "Greater Ireland," "Hibernia Major," and "Gross Irlund."

The article posits that to understand Greater Ireland, one must first understand the geography known to the Vikings. When the Vikings settled Iceland, they found evidence of prior Irish inhabitants. Similarly, upon reaching Greenland, they discovered remains of earlier peoples. The sagas also mention strange people living near the native inhabitants of the New World, possibly referring to Greater Ireland.

An archaeological dig in Newfoundland is presented as a potential site fitting the remains of these Irish colonists. The author clarifies that this issue is not about who arrived first in the New World from Europe, but rather about activities between approximately AD 500 and 1500. The story of Brendan the Bold is mentioned as an indication of early Irish seafaring interest but is not the focus of the discussion on Greater Ireland.

Hall draws upon the work of various writers but offers his own synthesis, continuing a discussion from a previous issue of Wonders (Vol. 5 No. 2) on Viking explorations.

The Norse World of 850 to 1450

The issue also covers the Norse presence in Iceland, Greenland, and the North American continent. It discusses the colonization of Iceland around AD 870 and the discovery of Gunnbjom's Skerries west of Iceland around AD 900 by Gunnbjorn Ulaffson. Evidence from Ivar Bardarson in the fourteenth century suggests these islands once existed but were destroyed by an eruption in 1456, as noted by John Fiske and documented on Ruysch's map.

The importance of Gunnbjom's Skerries is highlighted as a stepping stone for North Atlantic crossings until 1456. The article traces the rediscovery of Greenland by Eric the Red around AD 982 and the subsequent growth of the Eastern and Western Settlements. Further explorations by Leif Erickson identified northern Labrador as Helluland and southern Labrador as Markland. Leif's visit to Vinland around AD 1001 is placed at the southern shore of the St. Lawrence River estuary. Thorfinn Karlsefni is mentioned as possibly identifying Newfoundland as Vinland.

Encounters with Indigenous Peoples and Other Cultures

The Norse encountered indigenous inhabitants whom they called "Skraelings," a term as vague as "savages." In Newfoundland, they likely met American Indians, and later encountered Eskimos in Greenland and eastern Canada. The sagas also mention encounters with "trolls" or "giants," distinct from the Jotuns of Norse mythology. These "trolls" are described as evil nature spirits, similar to large dark elves, and are linked to the carriers of the Dorset culture.

The Dorset culture, thriving from 2500 to 1000 years ago, is intricately involved with archaeological finds associated with the Norse and inhabitants of Greater Ireland. These inhabitants, referred to as "Albanians," were initially hostile to the Norse but later engaged in trade after the Icelanders became Christians.

Further Exploration and Settlement Attempts

The Greenland colonists extended their trips beyond Newfoundland in the thirteenth century, leading to the discovery of "New-land" (also known as "Down or Feather Islands") in 1285. King Eric of Norway directed a colony attempt in 1289, led by Landa-Rolf, but the colony likely failed around 1295. The location of "New-land" is debated, with some suggesting the north shore of Hudson Strait, while others, including Farley Mowat, point to a southwesterly direction possibly towards Nova Scotia.

Iceland and Cronland

The article also touches upon Iceland's early knowledge in the Western World, with Pytheas making a journey there around 330 BC. Neglected church documents suggest Iceland and Cronland (an early name for Greenland) were known in the 9th century. During a warming period from AD 500 to the 13th century, Iceland may have regained interest for Europeans. Irish monks were present in Iceland in the 8th century AD, and there is speculation about other Celtic presences. Farley Mowat suggests that early in the Christian era, settlers moved to Iceland and then westward, eventually becoming inhabitants of Greater Ireland or Albania.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The magazine consistently explores mysteries and alternative historical theories, particularly concerning ancient transatlantic contacts and unexplained phenomena. The editorial stance appears to favor in-depth research and the presentation of evidence, even if it challenges conventional historical narratives. The issue emphasizes the importance of re-examining historical fragments to construct a more comprehensive picture of the past.

Title: WONDERS
Issue: 75
Volume: September 2001
Date: September 2001

This issue of WONDERS delves into the intriguing theory of "Greater Ireland" in North America, exploring archaeological evidence, historical texts, and sagas to understand potential pre-Columbian European settlements.

The Home of the Albanians

The article begins by discussing European sources for the Albanians, identified as the inhabitants of "Greater Ireland." These were likely people from Ireland and Scotland, with subsequent additions. The author posits that if a colony of such peoples survived for centuries in North America, structures like beehive huts found in New England could date back over a century. However, the famous Mystery Hill in New Hampshire, championed by William B. Goodwin in 1946, is deemed unrelated to this "Greater Ireland" concept, belonging to a different era. The author suggests that to find "Greater Ireland," one must look "a little behind Vinland."

The author's view is that "Greater Ireland" was not a single large territory but a patchwork of locations inhabited by European immigrants. These areas are identified as the Chaleur Bay region in New Brunswick, both sides of the island of Newfoundland (particularly its southern parts), and the northern tip of Newfoundland where the L'Anse aux Meadows site is located.

The arrival of the people of "Greater Ireland" is estimated to have occurred over hundreds of years, possibly in stages as populations grew and refugees arrived from Europe. Some Icelanders who encountered colonists were also integrated into the population. Pinpointing these events requires re-evaluating existing archaeological finds and future discoveries. Currently, only one site, L'Anse aux Meadows, and historical records of people visiting places inhabited by Irish, other Europeans, and Icelanders (who were held against their will) are available. The official interpretation of the L'Anse aux Meadows findings is considered potentially flawed.

Archaeological Evidence and Interpretations

Archaeologists like Helge Ingstad and Brigitta Wallace have explored L'Anse aux Meadows, often linking it to the mysterious "Whiteman's Land" of the sagas. Ingstad dismissed "Whiteman's Land" as a myth, while Wallace suggested the "white men" were the Dorset culture people. The Dorset culture occupied L'Anse aux Meadows from around AD 250 to 750, with later use by "Late Prehistoric Indian" and "Point Revenge Indian" cultures. The "Norse" period is dated from 980 to 1020.

Wallace noted that the site was not a typical Norse settlement, featuring large multi-roomed halls and huts. Artifacts included iron rivets, fire-starters, a ringed pin, a bone needle, and a soapstone spindle whorl. The presence of a spindle whorl reshaped from a Dorset artifact, and a Late Dorset soapstone lamp dated AD 1000-1350, suggests a connection or trade with the Dorset culture. The author proposes a better explanation: that the "Albanians" occupied the site and worked jointly with the Dorset.

Remains of butternuts were found at L'Anse aux Meadows. Butternuts grow primarily in the Saint Lawrence River valley, east of Quebec City, and in northeastern New Brunswick. This suggests that the Albanians may have lived where butternuts grew and brought them north. The burning of the buildings at the site's abandonment is attributed to the arrival of the Norsemen.

Mapping "Greater Ireland" and "Albania"

Fig. 3, based on archaeological findings and tower beacons, suggests "Greater Ireland" settlements included the south shore of Chaleur Bay in New Brunswick, L'Anse aux Meadows, and two areas in southeastern and southwestern Newfoundland.

As per the Vinland sagas, Vikings repeatedly visited the area. The "Albanians" at L'Anse aux Meadows aimed to avoid notice, making their site their most forward and vulnerable point. They burned the halls and abandoned the site after years of joint occupation with the Dorset.

Wallace's assessment is that L'Anse aux Meadows was not a colonizing venture but a temporary base for a large group of men, some with specialized skills like ironworking and carpentry. While a few women were present, there was no family life.

Early in the 17th century, an Icelandic historian referred to a map showing "Albania." Sir Erlend Thordsen, in 1568, obtained a geographical chart of "Albania or Vitramannaland," described as opposite Vinland and formerly called "Hibernia Major or Irland Mikla" (Greater Ireland). Arlington Mallery pursued this map, identifying a portion of the Jon Gudmundsson map (Fig. 4a, 4b). Mallery interpreted this map as showing Labrador and areas to the south of the St. Lawrence River, extending to Alaska. The author expresses doubt about this interpretation and the map's authenticity as Thordsen's chart.

Gudmundsson's map labels a region as "Albania," resembling the Gaspe Peninsula, and "Helleland" near Ungava Bay. Other labels include "Land of the One-Homed Ax" (possibly Montagnais-Naskapi Indians) and "Land of the One-Footers" (possibly Eskimos). Florida is also indicated, reflecting contemporary knowledge of its location.

The placement of "Albania" south of the St. Lawrence and the butternuts at L'Anse aux Meadows point to Chaleur Bay. The Gaspe Peninsula is to the north, and the southern shore of the bay is in New Brunswick. This area, with its inviting change from the Gulf of St. Lawrence, less fog, and good agricultural land, could have been declared the land of the Irish and a home for those leaving Europe.

Tower Beacons and Historical Albania

The people of "Greater Ireland" are credited with unique markers of their presence: enormous cairns, best described as tower beacons, built at certain places and in groups of one to three (Fig. 5). These beacons, found from Baffin Island to Newfoundland (Fig. 6), were visible by line of sight and helped travelers orient themselves. They are often associated with house sites, sometimes covered with whale bones or upturned boats, as promoted by Farley Mowat in "The Farfarers."

These large cairns differ from the simpler, man-sized inukshuk built by Eskimos. The beacons were likely built jointly by the "Albanians" and the Dorset culture, utilizing the latter's strength for sturdy construction. Archaeologists have attributed these beacons solely to the Dorset.

Raised boulders on the Melville Peninsula, southwest of Baffin Island, are also mentioned. The Eskimos attribute these to the Dorset, and they resemble beacons the Dorset might have built independently. Their purpose remains uncertain.

Archaeologist Thomas Lee's work in Ungava Bay suggests the Dorset worked with Europeans to exploit Arctic resources. Farley Mowat extended the knowledge of tower beacons to Newfoundland. Records exist of beacons dismantled in historic times, found in southwestern Newfoundland and nearby areas.

The old map and tower beacons in southern Newfoundland indicate potential locations for "Greater Ireland" settlements, roughly along the 48th parallel on the southern shore of Chaleur Bay and in southern Newfoundland.

The Historical Albania

In 1837, Danish philologist Carl Christian Rafn initiated modern interest in Norse and Irish trips to America with his publication "Antiquitates Americanae," discussing Vinland and "Greater Ireland." Ten years later, I. A. Blackwell summarized the "Whiteman's Land" issue in "Northern Antiquities."

An old Icelandic geographical treatise describes lands south of Greenland as wild tracts and ice-covered mountains, followed by Skraelings Land, Markland, and Vinland the Good. "Albania," or "Hvitramannaland" (White-mansland), is mentioned as lying somewhat behind Vinland, where vessels formerly sailed from Ireland. It was here that Irishmen and Icelanders recognized Ari, son of Mar and Katla of Reykjanes, who had been missing for a long time.

The Landnamabok states that Ari Marson was driven by a tempest to Hvitramannaland and baptized there. Thorfinn's Saga mentions Eskimaux children declaring the existence of another country inhabited by people wearing white dresses and bearing flags on long poles. This statement, though of questionable value, is significant because the Northmen concluded that this country must be Hvitramannaland, indicating its general acceptance at the time the sagas were written.

Rafn presented two sagas related to Hvitramannaland, which differ significantly from those narrating Leif and Thorfinn's voyages and are considered less credible.

It appears the Northmen received their account of Hvitramannaland from traders from Limerick (southwestern Ireland), and vessels had sailed there before the discovery of Vinland. These circumstances, along with Ari's baptism, led some writers to suggest an Irish colony on the American coast, south of Massachusetts, in the ninth and tenth centuries.

Blackwell found this information too vague for historical value. However, the article argues against dismissing the White-mansland sagas while accepting the Vinland sagas, as both involve historical persons from Iceland and Greenland traveling to identifiable locations. If Vinland is credible, so is the "Irish land."

Blackwell's reference to "south of Massachusetts" stems from the assumption that Vinland was located there. A more current understanding is that Markland was Labrador, and the area opposite it was northern Newfoundland, the site of L'Anse aux Meadows.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring themes in this issue revolve around pre-Columbian transatlantic contact, the interpretation of archaeological evidence, and the historical significance of sagas and ancient maps. The editorial stance appears to favor a more open-minded approach to the "Whiteman's Land" and "Greater Ireland" theories, challenging conventional interpretations and suggesting that historical accounts, even those considered less credible, warrant further investigation when corroborated by other evidence. The article emphasizes the need to reconsider established narratives in light of new or re-examined archaeological and textual data.

This issue of WONDERS, dated September 2001, delves into historical accounts and sagas that suggest pre-Columbian transatlantic voyages, focusing on the concept of 'Greater Ireland' and early Norse and Irish explorations.

Early Norse and Irish Accounts of Transatlantic Voyages

The issue begins by referencing the Norse saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni, which mentions captives who described a land across the sea where people wore white clothing and uttered loud cries, identified as Hvitramannaland. It then discusses Ari Marson, who was reportedly blown by a storm into captivity in 'Great Ireland' in 983, suggesting a Norse colony existed by that time.

A much earlier date for transatlantic contact is proposed through the story of Feargal, an Irish priest in 8th-century Germany. He faced ecclesiastical trouble for asserting the existence of other inhabited lands, clearing himself by claiming the Irish had regular dealings with a land across the Atlantic, which led to his appointment as bishop of Salzburg.

The Sagas of Bjorn Asbrandson and Gudleif Gudlaugson

The article then focuses on two sagas concerning Bjorn Asbrandson and Gudleif Gudlaugson. The Landnamabok and Eyrbyggja Sagas recount the adventures of Are Marson, an Icelandic chieftain who, in 983, was driven by storms to 'Great Ireland' and baptized. The account is attributed to Rafn, the Limerick-trader, and Are Frode, a descendant of Are Marson.

Icelanders, based on information from Thorfinn Sigurdson, jarl of Orkney, recognized Are in 'Great Ireland' and noted occasional intercourse between Western Europe (Orkneys and Ireland) and 'Great Ireland' or 'Whiteman's Land' in America around 983. The saga suggests 'Great Ireland' was six days' sail west of Ireland, near Vinland. Professor Carl C. Rafn speculated that the 'VI days' might be a transcription error for XX, XI, or XV.

Bjorn Asbrandson, 'the Champion of Breidavik,' is believed to have spent the latter part of his life in this 'Great Ireland.' He was part of the Jomsborg warriors and fought in the battle of Fyrisval. Due to an illicit relationship with Thurid of Froda, he was forced to leave Iceland in 999.

Gudleif Gudlaugson, brother of Thorfinn and ancestor of Snorre Sturleson, embarked on a trading voyage to Dublin. While sailing back to Iceland, strong northeasterly winds drove him southwest, leading him and his company to an extensive, unknown country. Upon landing, they were met by hundreds of natives whose language resembled Irish. These natives debated killing or enslaving the strangers. A distinguished man, later identified as Bjorn Asbrandson, intervened. Bjorn, who had become old, inquired about his former acquaintance in Iceland, particularly Thurid and her son Kjarten. He granted Gudleif and his companions liberty, advising them to leave due to the natives' unpredictable nature. Bjorn gave Gudleif a gold ring for Thurid and a sword for Kjarten, asking them to tell his friends not to seek him out.

Gudleif and his company returned to Dublin and then to Iceland the following summer, where it was confirmed they had met Bjorn Asbrandson. Gudleif's voyage is dated to 1029, thirty years after Bjorn's disappearance. The resemblance of the native language to Irish further identified the country as 'Greater Ireland.'

Bishop Eric Gnupsson and the Vinland Map

The article mentions Bishop Eric Gnupsson, who was named bishop for Greenland and embarked on a voyage to Vinland in 1121, after which he disappeared. By the 12th century, Norsemen likely considered Vinland and 'Greater Ireland' to be the same place. The Vinland Map, dating to 1957, contains a notation suggesting the bishop visited Vinland in 1117, with Constance Irwin proposing two trips might have occurred.

The Fate of Sixty Banished Couples

An Irish record describes a voyage of two monks who encountered people banished from Ireland who had found a home to the west. In the 'Imram Snedgusa ocus Mac Riagla' (9th-10th century), sixty couples were banished to sea as punishment for killing King Fiacha Mac Domnaill. After visiting many islands, they reached a land with generations of Irish people. The king, who identified himself as the one who killed Fiacha Mac Domnaill, welcomed them, stating they would remain there until Judgment Day.

Prince Madog and a Freeman of Wales

The 12th-century Prince Madog ab Owain Gwynedd of Wales is considered a potential 'discoverer' of America. A 15th-century Welsh poem describes him departing Wales with ten ships of colonists. Norse sagas mention an unnamed Welshman notorious in the North Atlantic, possibly linked to Madog. The 'Orkneyinga Saga' refers to a 'Freeman of Wales' who harassed settlements in the Southern Isles between 1139-48. Gwyn A. Williams suggests the deeds of this 'Freeman' might have been attributed to Madog. Richard Hakluyt noted that Madog gave names to his land, including 'Island of Penguin,' which is identified with Bird Rocks in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

The Fisherman's Tale

Another glimpse of 'Greater Ireland' is offered through the 14th-century story of the Zeno brothers and their patron, Prince Henry Sinclair. The tale includes a fisherman from the Faeroes Islands whose craft was blown to a strange coast around 1375. The land was an island with intelligent inhabitants who spoke a language not understood by the Norse fishermen, though one European among them could speak Latin. The land was rich in metals and gold, and the people traded with Greenland, importing pitch, brimstone, and furs. This country was named Estotiland, possibly meaning 'land of the Irishmen' (Scots) and identified by some as Newfoundland.

What Happened to the Albanians?

By the time Jacques Cartier arrived in 1534, 'Greater Ireland' had disappeared. The disappearance is linked to the decline of Greenland colonies around the same time, possibly due to a colder climate and other factors like syphilis, which has been found in 14th-century Hull, England, potentially originating from the New World.

An Overview of Greater Ireland

The article concludes with an overview of 'Greater Ireland,' suggesting that Irish and allied peoples, including Culdee monks, may have reached North America early. These early travelers might have settled in Greenland and then moved southwest to Newfoundland and New Brunswick, interacting with the Dorset culture. Trade occurred with Europe and Greenland, and the population was augmented by refugees. The Norse eventually arrived, and their shipworks at L'Anse aux Meadows were burned to avoid detection. Later, after the Vikings became Christian, trade developed between 'Greater Ireland/Albania' and Greenland, but both eventually disappeared.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring theme is the exploration of historical and legendary accounts suggesting significant pre-Columbian transatlantic contact, particularly between Ireland, Norse settlements, and North America. The magazine presents these accounts as evidence for early European voyages and settlements, often drawing from sagas, historical records, and scholarly interpretations, while acknowledging the speculative nature of some claims. The editorial stance appears to be one of presenting historical and mythological narratives that challenge conventional timelines of discovery and colonization.

This document is page 95 from the September 2001 issue of WONDERS magazine. It primarily consists of a detailed bibliography, listing numerous cited works related to the Norse discovery of America and related historical and archaeological topics. The content is exclusively a list of references, with no articles or editorial content visible.

Bibliography of Norse Discovery of America

The bibliography is extensive, featuring a wide array of books, articles, and edited volumes. It begins with a citation for Rasmus B. Anderson's work on the discovery of America by Columbus, followed by Anderson's own contributions to the Norse discovery narrative. Prominent historical and archaeological figures and their works are listed, including:

• Fritjhof Nansen: Cited for his work "In Northern Mists."
• Richard Hennig: Referenced for his contributions to "Petermanns Mitteilungen" and "Terrae Incognitae," focusing on the discovery of islands by Irish clerics and the question of "Hvitramannaland."
• Arlington H. Mallery: Cited for "Lost America" and co-authored "The Rediscovery of Lost America."
• Geoffrey Ashe: Author of "Land to the West."
• William B. Goodwin: His work "The Ruins of Great Ireland in New England" is mentioned, noting his association of "Greater Ireland" with Mystery Hill in New Hampshire.
• Paul Herrmann: Cited for "Conquest by Man."
• Charles Michael Boland: Author of "They All Discovered America," which is noted for following Goodwin's lead in equating "Greater Ireland" with Mystery Hill.
• Farley Mowat: Referenced for "Westviking" and "The Farfarers: Before the Norse."
• Carl O. Sauer: Author of "Northern Mists."
• Raymond Ramsay: Cited for "No Longer on the Map."
• Paul H. Chapman: Author of "The Norse Discovery of America."
• Mark A. Hall: Multiple entries for his articles "The Vikings in the New World" and "The Runestone at Kensington, Minnesota," published in WONDERS, as well as his work "Living Fossils."
• G. J. Marcus: Cited for "The Conquest of the North Atlantic."
• John Fiske: Referenced for "The Discovery of America."
• Helge Ingstad: Author of "Westward to Vinland."
• Brigitta Wallace: Cited for her interpretation of the Vinland Sagas and "The Viking Settlement at L'Anse aux Meadows."
• Steven L. Cox: Contributor to "A Norse Penny from Maine."
• Constance Irwin: Author of "Strange Footprints on the Land: Vikings in America."
• Heinrich Zimmer: Cited for "Keltische Beltrage."
• Peter Neville: Author of "A Traveller's History of Ireland."
• Gwyn A. Williams: Author of "Madoc: The Making of a Myth."
• Richard Hakluyt: Referenced for "Principal Voyages, Traffiques, & Discoveries of the English Nation."
• Frederick J. Pohl: Author of "Prince Henry Sinclair: His Expedition to the New World in 1398."

The references also include citations from "The Sagas of the Icelanders: A Selection" and "Northern Antiquities."

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring theme is the exploration and discovery of North America by Norse explorers, predating Christopher Columbus. The extensive list of references suggests a deep dive into the historical, archaeological, and mythological aspects of this topic. The inclusion of works that discuss theories like "Greater Ireland" and specific sites such as Mystery Hill and L'Anse aux Meadows indicates an editorial stance that is open to exploring various interpretations and evidence related to early transatlantic contact. The publication of Mark A. Hall's articles within WONDERS itself highlights the magazine's engagement with contemporary research and discussions in this field.