El Ojo Critico - No 73 - Jun 2013

Magazine Overview

This issue of OJO CRITICO, titled "Los frutos buenos del árbol malo LAS SECTAS CONSTRUCTIVAS" (The good fruits of the bad tree CONSTRUCTIVE SECTS), delves into the complex and often controversial world of sects and new religious movements. The magazine explores the etymology of the word 'sect,' its evolution from a neutral term to a pejorative one, and the shift towards using 'New Religious Movements' (NMR) as a more academic descriptor.

The Nature of Sects and New Religious Movements

The issue highlights the historical prevalence of sects within major religions and the significant impact of religious syncretism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which led to movements like Theosophy and Spiritualism, ultimately contributing to the New Age phenomenon. It contrasts 'destructive sects,' known for apocalyptic fervor and tragic events like the mass suicides of Heaven's Gate and the People's Temple, with 'constructive sects' that focus on social action and humanitarian aid.

Constructive Sects in Action

Several examples illustrate the concept of constructive sects. 'Humanidad Solar,' a UFO contact group, channeled messages that inspired its members to found a shelter for drug addicts and the homeless in La Coruña, Spain, demonstrating a practical application of their beliefs. The article also features ADRA, a group of Seventh-day Adventists who, unlike their more militant counterparts like the Davidians of Waco, focus on providing aid, toys, and medicine to orphaned children in Romania. This section emphasizes that even groups with radical beliefs can channel their energy into positive social contributions.

The 'Mal-Árbol' (Bad Tree) and Good Fruits

The magazine challenges the notion that a 'bad tree' can only bear bad fruit, using the example of the Partido Humanista. Despite being labeled a destructive sect by some 'experts,' this group engages in significant humanitarian work in impoverished areas of Haiti, distributing aid and resources. This highlights how the same core beliefs can lead to vastly different actions and outcomes, suggesting that no group is inherently 'good' or 'bad.'

Neurospirituality: The Brain and Spiritual Experiences

A significant portion of the issue is dedicated to the concept of 'neurospirituality,' based on a conference by Dr. Francisco J. Rubia. This field posits that spiritual, religious, and transcendent experiences are generated by the brain's limbic system and emotional centers. The article discusses how temporal lobe epilepsy can induce mystical states and explores the Gastaut-Geschwind syndrome, which includes symptoms like hyper-religiosity and exaggerated philosophical concerns. It also touches upon near-death experiences (NDEs) and their physiological explanations, suggesting that these phenomena are rooted in brain activity rather than external spiritual realms.

The Historical and Biological Roots of Spirituality

The issue traces the origins of spiritual experiences back to early humans, citing evidence from Paleolithic burials that suggest beliefs in an afterlife. It explores the role of psychoactive substances and altered states of consciousness in shamanism and ancient rituals, noting that animals also seek out plants with psychoactive properties. The article posits that spirituality is an innate human tendency, a product of brain evolution, rather than a divine imposition. It suggests that spiritual experiences might be a form of regression to archaic states of consciousness, as proposed by Freud.

Spirituality as Social Action

The magazine concludes by emphasizing that true spirituality is social action. Whether one believes in a divine creator or not, actively helping those in need is presented as the most practical and consequential form of spirituality. The article highlights individuals like Vicente Ferrer, who dedicated his life to social work in India, and Nemesio Fernández Villa, who founded the 'Ciudad de los muchachos Agarimo' in Spain to help disadvantaged youth. These examples underscore the idea that genuine spirituality is demonstrated through tangible acts of solidarity and service to others.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring themes in this issue are the multifaceted nature of sects, the distinction between destructive and constructive groups, the neurological basis of spiritual experiences, and the importance of social action as a manifestation of true spirituality. The editorial stance appears to be one of critical inquiry, seeking to demystify religious and spiritual phenomena by examining them through sociological, psychological, and neuroscientific lenses, while also acknowledging the positive contributions that individuals within these groups can make to society.

This issue of El Ojo Crítico (The Critical Eye), identified as issue number 65 and dated June 1989, focuses on anomalous phenomena, particularly from the perspective of law enforcement officers. The cover story, "FENOMENOS ANÓMALOS: CUANDO LOS TESTIGOS SON POLICIAS" (Anomalous Phenomena: When Witnesses Are Police Officers), highlights the experiences of police in dealing with unexplained events.

Neurospirituality and the Brain

The issue features an article by Dr. Francisco J. Rubia, who explores the concept of spirituality and its connection to the brain. He posits that spiritual experiences, whether religious or not, are likely older than the human species and are a result of limbic system activity. Dr. Rubia suggests that entheogenic drugs and techniques like meditation can access these states, and that artificial stimulation can also induce them. He proposes replacing the spirit-matter antithesis with religious and non-religious spirituality.

The Baian Kara Ula Legend: A Deep Dive

A significant portion of the magazine is dedicated to debunking and analyzing the legend of the Dropa people from Baian Kara Ula. The article traces the origin of the story to a German journalist named Reinhardt Wegemann and a publication in 'Das vegetarische Universum' in 1961. It questions Wegemann's credibility and the existence of the DINA news agency. The author details how the story evolved, with details lost and invented over time, leading to various spellings of the 'Dropa' tribe. The article also presents skepticism from serious investigators, such as Gordon Creighton, who found no evidence of an archaeological expedition to Baian Kara Ula in 1938. The piece scrutinizes the claims about the Dropa's physical characteristics and their alleged extraterrestrial origins, suggesting that the story may be a fabrication. It also clarifies that 'drokpa' is a real Tibetan term for nomads, but their characteristics do not match the legend.

Police Encounters with the Anomalous

An interview with Sub-Inspector Fernando Ramón Calderón provides firsthand accounts of anomalous phenomena encountered by police officers. He recounts an incident involving a bag of ashes that led to a mysterious "SOS" message appearing on his patrol car window, an experience that deeply unnerved him. Calderón also discusses his involvement in cases of grave desecration, satanic rituals, and violent deaths potentially linked to such practices. He distinguishes between common criminals, vandals, role-playing games, and genuine satanic/esoteric rituals. He also addresses the question of UFO sightings, stating that while he has seen unexplained aerial objects, they were likely conventional aircraft or balloons, though he acknowledges the possibility of extraterrestrial life.

Police Investigation Methods

The magazine highlights the advanced capabilities of the Spanish Scientific Police, particularly in genetic identification and digital photography. It discusses how these methods aid in criminal investigations, allowing for the identification of individuals through DNA and fingerprints. The article also touches upon the portrayal of police work in TV series like CSI, suggesting that they often distort reality and may inadvertently provide criminals with information on how to avoid detection.

Cults in Spain

Fernando Calderón also provides insights into the prevalence and activities of cults in Spain, particularly satanic ones. He estimates that there are about a hundred such groups, with thousands of followers, often operating in small, clandestine cells. He names "Los Hermanos de Changó" and "El Toro" as two of the most active and dangerous sects, with significant presence in various regions of Spain.

The El Ferrol UFO Incident

Another article details the alleged recovery of a crashed UFO by the Spanish Navy in 1966 near El Ferrol. The incident involved an aircraft shaped like a flying saucer that had been observed over military installations. Fragments of the object were reportedly studied by army engineers and later transferred to US troops. The article includes testimonies from individuals who claimed to have seen the object and its wreckage.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

This issue of El Ojo Crítico consistently explores the intersection of the unexplained with official investigations and historical accounts. The editorial stance appears to be one of critical inquiry, seeking to uncover the truth behind anomalous phenomena, whether by debunking hoaxes, analyzing police reports, or examining historical legends. There is a clear interest in UFOs, cults, and the psychological and neurological aspects of spirituality, often presented through interviews with experts and firsthand accounts.

This issue of CRITICO magazine, spanning multiple pages (31-40), delves into a variety of intriguing and often dark topics, including UFO phenomena, alleged serial murders, and the world of mediumship. The publication adopts a critical yet investigative approach, presenting testimonies, declassified documents, and personal experiences.

UFO Incidents and Investigations

The magazine dedicates significant space to UFO sightings and related incidents in Spain. A key case involves Juan Daniel Araoz, who recounts his experience seeing a UFO and later examining its fragments at the A Graña naval base in Ferrol. These fragments, described as yellowish and made of a material similar to that used in spacecraft, were identified as belonging to a NASA prototype. The article details the recovery of these fragments from the sea near Burela by fishermen from the 'Reina María' in 1966 or 1967, noting that some pieces were still warm and emitting smoke. A declassified military report from 1966 corroborates an earlier sighting of a luminous object over El Ferrol by military personnel.

Investigators José Lesta and the author also recount their efforts to find witnesses to the Burela incident, eventually speaking with José Fernández, one of the fishermen involved. The article speculates that the UFO might have been engaged in espionage, possibly observing the construction of high-technology ships at the Astano and Bazán shipyards, which were involved in supplying vessels to Arab countries during the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Another section discusses a 2011 UFO wave over Spain that received minimal media coverage. The issue also touches upon the possibility that some reported UFO sightings might actually be secret US military aircraft.

The Case of Juan Carlos Aguilar: The Fake Shaolin Monk and Serial Killer

A prominent and disturbing feature of this issue is the investigation into Juan Carlos Aguilar, a man who presented himself as a Shaolin master but is accused of being a serial killer. The article references previous CRITICO publications about Aguilar and Carlos Castaneda. It details Aguilar's arrest in Bilbao following the discovery of human remains, including those of Jenny Sofía Rebollo and Maureen Ada Otuya. Investigators suspect Aguilar may have murdered up to six women, choosing foreign victims to make identification more difficult. The article notes that Aguilar claimed a brain tumor and a "fit of rage" as reasons for his actions, but police and judicial authorities did not believe him, deeming him mentally fit and sentencing him to prison.

The author expresses personal disappointment and a sense of obligation to write about this case, urging readers to use common sense when evaluating individuals who claim extraordinary abilities, especially those with a history of manipulation or violence.

Mediumship and Paranormal Experiences

The magazine also explores the world of mediumship through an exclusive interview with Marilyn Rossner, described as the world's most famous medium. The author, David Mulé, recounts his experience attending a conference where Rossner demonstrated her abilities. Rossner, a former special education teacher and psychotherapist, claims to have discovered her powers at a young age and has been involved in helping children in South Africa. She allegedly predicted the Tenerife airport disaster and the short pontificate of Pope John Paul I.

Mulé details his personal reading with Rossner, where she provided messages purportedly from his deceased grandmother and offered predictions about his future, including a trip and financial gain. He critically analyzes these predictions, noting their vagueness and lack of specific dates, suggesting they could be interpreted broadly. The article also includes messages given to co-interviewer Juan José Sánchez-Oro. Rossner expresses a reluctance to have her abilities scientifically investigated, which the author finds contradictory given her academic background.

The article also briefly touches upon the controversy surrounding another medium, Anne Germain, with Rossner stating she does not comment on other mediums.

The Hmong SUNDS Syndrome

Another significant section investigates the enigmatic SUNDS (Sudden Unexpected Nocturnal Death Syndrome) that affected Hmong refugees in the United States from the 1970s to the 1990s. The syndrome caused sudden, unexplained deaths primarily among adult men. Medical professionals were baffled, with initial theories ranging from toxicological causes to genetic or metabolic factors. The article highlights that autopsies revealed some anatomical anomalies in the heart's electrical conduction system, but these alone did not explain the sudden mortality. A key focus shifts to the victims' dream experiences, with many reporting night terrors, partial paralysis, a feeling of extreme pressure, and the sensation of a malevolent presence. The article suggests that the Hmong's spiritual beliefs and cultural practices, including their reverence for spirits and ancestors, might play a role, with some researchers even discussing "spiritual possession" and "unconscious suicide."

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

Throughout the issue, recurring themes include the potential for deception in claims of supernatural abilities, the role of government secrecy in concealing anomalous events, and the intersection of paranormal phenomena with criminal activity. The editorial stance appears to be one of critical inquiry, encouraging readers to exercise discernment and common sense when confronted with extraordinary claims. The magazine aims to expose hidden truths and challenge conventional explanations, whether they involve extraterrestrial craft, alleged supernatural powers, or the darker aspects of human behavior. The publication emphasizes the importance of questioning authority and seeking verifiable evidence, while acknowledging the limitations of scientific investigation in certain domains.

This issue of El Critico, titled 'ABDUCCIÓN: ¿EXPERIENCIAS EN EL INTERIOR DE LOS OVNIS?', delves deeply into the phenomenon of UFO abductions. It explores the cultural interpretations of such events, particularly within the Hmong community, and presents a comprehensive catalog of historical abduction cases. The magazine also examines the challenges of gathering credible evidence and the various investigative techniques employed by ufologists.

The Hmong and the 'Dab Tsog'

The issue begins by discussing the Hmong culture's understanding of nocturnal phenomena, specifically the 'dab tsog' or 'tsog,' which is not perceived as a mere bad dream but as a malevolent spirit that visits sleepers. Dr. Adler views this as a form of 'catastrophic psychological stress' and questions if it's a way for a culture to resist extinction. Many Hmong feared that ancestral spirits would not accompany them to America, but found solace in the belief that malevolent spirits also wouldn't cross the ocean. However, they soon discovered this was not the case. The typical experience involves a presence felt next to the sleeper, followed by a sense of horror and a strong pressure on the chest, impeding breathing. While the entity is rarely seen, it is consistently described as evil and dangerous. A testimony from a 58-year-old man recounts his first nocturnal attack at age 19 or 20, describing a large, dark, furry creature with big teeth and eyes.

Curing Diabolical Illness

When a Hmong individual suffers from an illness attributed to a malevolent spirit, they consult a shaman. The shaman's 'neng' gathers information to identify the demon and its demands, then negotiates the least costly sacrifice for the patient. These sacrifices can include eggs, chickens, pigs, cows, buffaloes, paper money, and incense, depending on the severity of the case. After the ceremony, the family consumes the sacrificed food. In more complex situations, the 'neng' might advise the victim to change their name, or even their name and surname, to deceive the diabolical spirit.

The Hmong culture identifies the nocturnal entity of this traumatic experience as 'tsog.' These beings are said to inhabit dark caves and have a predilection for women and fertile young girls. Within these confined spaces, 'tsog' are said to violate their victims, leaving them sterile, or causing abortions if the woman is already pregnant. The 'tsog' also target those who do not devoutly follow religious precepts and rites. As these obligations fall to the man of the house, this is presented as a Hmong explanation for why SUNDS exclusively affected males.

Interestingly, the intrusion of this supernatural figure in dreams does not cease even with a change of religion. Many Hmong who settled in the United States converted to Christianity, yet a significant portion continued to suffer from these nightmares. The difference was that they now identified the 'tsog' devil with Satan himself. However, the controversy escalated. Traditional Hmong accused Catholic Hmong of experiencing nightmares because they had abandoned their true religion. Conversely, Catholics argued that these nocturnal terrors were proof that old beliefs and cults were false and diabolical. This led to irreconcilable social divisions within the Hmong community. Despite professing increasingly opposing creeds, they continued to share identical nightmares and die in the same manner. Bruce Thowpao Bliatout studied 38 cases of SUNDS deaths, half of which involved recently Christianized Hmong.

Who Else Has Deadly Dreams?

Sudden Nocturnal Death Syndrome (SUNDS) deaths in the United States caused considerable surprise due to their association with a culturally specific population. However, upon reviewing similar episodes in other parts of the world, specialists found that it was not an isolated case. For instance, in the Philippines, numerous nocturnal deaths analogous to SUNDS were believed to have occurred since 1917. The natives called them 'bangungut,' which in Tagalog means 'to wake up and groan in dreams.' Here too, 96% of the deceased were men, with an average age of 33 and no recognizable pre-existing illnesses. Doctors Ronald G. Munger and Elizabeth A. Booton of Utah State University identified 722 victims of bangungut between 1948 and 1982. As with the Hmong, a strange creature was linked to these deaths in the Philippines: the 'batibat,' a fat, old, large woman who lives in trees. When her tree is cut down to serve as a house post, the batibat comes into contact with humans. Then, during sleep, she sits on the sleeper's chest until they suffocate. To escape the nightmare, tradition recommends biting the thumb or moving a toe. In Japan, similar deaths were detected starting in 1959, with the illness known as Pokkuri.

In the West, Carl Gustav Jung, in his work 'Man and His Symbols,' recorded a case of nocturnal terrors that seemed to foreshadow the dreamer's death. An eight-year-old girl gave her father a handwritten diary filled with sinister images: monstrous serpents, a horde of small animals devouring the child, a man emerging from a vaporous ball who also killed the young girl... The girl died of an infectious disease a year after her father received the diary. For Jung, 'the experience demonstrates that the unknown approach of death casts a premonitory shadow over the life and dreams of the victim.' This preparation for death would be expressed through brief dream narratives, 'as if future events projected their shadow backward, producing in the child certain thought forms that, even while normally asleep, describe or accompany the approach of a fatal event.' According to this interpretation, the horrible dreams do not kill but warn of a serious internal disorder in the body or mind of the dreamer. They would be the symptom of a disorder that adopts mythological forms depending on the culture to which the individual belongs.

Hmong Shamans in American Hospitals

Following the tragic deaths caused by SUNDS, Hmong beliefs have received significant attention from medical institutions in the United States. To facilitate the integration of this Eastern community, Dr. John Paik-Tesch of Mercy Medical Center in California initiated a groundbreaking program. He allowed 89 Hmong shamans access to his hospital to attend to patients of their ethnicity, who constituted 25% of the total. Until then, mutual distrust between doctors and these Asian patients had led to many misunderstandings. The Hmong did not accept interventions or doctors' decisions without first consulting their spiritual guides, which involved performing diagnostic ceremonies in their homes and awaiting results, thus delaying medical treatment. With the incorporation of shamans into the hospital, rituals are now performed in the patient's room under special limitations, such as singing softly or avoiding animal sacrifices. Furthermore, the shamans are obligated to participate in a training program to learn about Western medicine. This has eliminated intercultural barriers, and patients have found peace in feeling fully respected and cared for in 'body and soul.' Jim McDiarmid, a clinical psychologist at Mercy Medical, stated in The New York Times that social support and beliefs often affect a patient's ability to recover from an illness. He understood this years ago when he allowed a Hmong shaman to place a long sword at the door of his room to ward off evil spirits. The patient miraculously recovered from an intestinal gangrene. Another resident doctor, Lesley Xioang, granddaughter of two distinguished Hmong shamans, noted, 'If I were sick, I would want a shaman with me, but I would also go to the hospital.'

Did You Know...?

In 2008, the Hmong gained cinematic recognition with Clint Eastwood's film 'Gran Torino.' The television series 'House' also dedicated an episode of its final season to a SUNDS case, titled 'Body and Soul.'

Abduction: Experiences Inside UFOs?

For many years, UFO researchers have sought to answer questions about the great enigma: What are UFOs? Where do they come from? What do they seek? Millions of cases have been reported worldwide, hinting at an evolution of the phenomenon. Initially, UFOs were mere lights in the sky, then came landing cases, followed by reports of strange occupants. Now, the witness has penetrated the interior of the mystery.

Abduction, a legal synonym for kidnapping, has opened a new conception of the UFO enigma. The abductee claims to have undergone an experience inside a UFO and believes they know the answers: who, how, why... at least from their personal experience. By definition, abduction is not a pleasant experience. The after-effects can be traumatic, but it can also signify an initiation into 'Cosmic Consciousness' for the protagonist.

Whitley Strieber, author of 'Communion,' stated: 'To mock them (the abductees) is as ugly as laughing at rape victims or terrorist attack survivors.' Despite the dreamlike nature of many accounts, the abductee has felt, KNOWS. Their experience is absolutely real, but also personal and untransferable. Only by considering the abduction phenomenon collectively can we begin to intuit its transcendence. Its study and analysis can transport us to the limits of our fragile conception of reality. The abduction phenomenon offers a passport to the deepest mystery of human nature: the mind and its relationship with the Universe.

Since the discovery of this new facet of the extraterrestrial myth and its hypothetical connection to the UFO enigma, many bold investigators have accepted the challenge. Enduring the mockery and jokes of more 'serious' ufologists, they have tentatively ventured into the intricate study of experiences inside UFOs. From that moment, they became astonished witnesses to the brutal, transcendent, and subjective nature of close encounters of the fourth kind. Why do two fishermen from Mississippi, a security guard from Italy, a South African couple, a Spanish hunter, or an English family share such notable similarities in their abduction accounts? What kind of archetypal phenomenon have they experienced firsthand? Scars, landing traces, testimonies of sightings in the area, the use of hypnosis or the 'truth serum,' lie detectors, psychiatric studies... all provide evidence that 'something is happening' and that it is important. So important that post-abduction depression can lead to thoughts of suicide as a way to escape nightmares; conversely, sometimes a form of 'Stockholm Syndrome' turns the abductee into a 'cosmic Patty Hearst.' Not all experiences inside UFOs are traumatic afterward. The truth is that the words 'always' and 'never' have no place in ufological vocabulary. As personal experiences, each case is unique. Only after collecting several hundred cases, from which I have synthesized a brief sample of a hundred for this study, and 'playing with statistics' based on flexible comparisons, could the first conclusions be intuited.

Thomas E. Bullar, who collected 312 cases before 1985, developed the first abduction model: 'A motorist driving between ten at night and five in the morning on a secondary road or a deserted normal road. Upon encountering the UFO, they suffer paralysis or a loss of will and consciousness. Humanoids, 1.20 m tall with large skulls, introduce them into the craft, where they are subjected to a series of analyses, and even implanted with a micro-device in the brain. They regain consciousness abandoned at any point in the area, and may not remember anything that happened during that time, which ranges from 30 minutes to 3 hours...' Regarding the type of witnesses, Bullard deduced from his statistics that it is usually 'a man, working outdoors (police officer, security guard, farmer, traveler, truck driver, etc.), between 20 and 30 years old.' However, Bullard's well-intentioned statistical study from 1985 has been completely surpassed by the phenomenon. Abductions occur during the day, in the afternoon, or at dawn; they happen to sporadic travelers or at the witness's home; the abduction can last an hour or several days; scars and even implants have been found; abductees can be writers, doctors, or office workers; children aged 5 or the elderly aged 70... And most surprisingly, despite these situations being unpleasant, as all kidnappings are, only 20% of cases report a manifestly aggressive attitude from the occupants towards the abductees.

Abstract, esoteric, absurd, and always surprising. Such is the unusual phenomenon of experiences inside UFOs. A crucial starting point for understanding, in essence, the great enigma of the Unidentified.

(Pre) History of a Phenomenon

Undeniably, Barney Betty Hill's case was not the first abduction in UFO history. I myself have collected no less than fifty references to raptors, kidnappings, and snatchings of human beings by space 'gods' occurring before 1961. The myth of the abduction is a constant in almost all cultures. Throughout history, accounts of these kidnappings have been continuously recorded. However, the immense historical value of the Hill case as a starting point for the 'rigorous' approach to the investigation of the abduction myth is undeniable. Had the Hill case not existed, the myth of abduction would probably never have received attention, nor would cases like Antonio Vilas Boas's.

The experience of this young Brazilian farmer took place in 1957, when he was allegedly abducted by small humanoids, similar to those described by the Hills, who forced him to enter a UFO against his will. The Vilas Boas case (which I will discuss in depth later) was rescued by Gordon Greighton for the renowned Flying Saucer Review, causing great commotion among the ufological community due to its incredibility. However, even before the experience of the young Vilas Boas, 'kidnappings' by UFO occupants had already occurred. Or so their protagonists claimed.

In July of that same year, 1957, according to the respectable Mr. Joao de Freiras, a jurist and professor of Roman Law in Sao Sebastiao (Brazil), he was led into a strange 'hat-shaped' object by light-skinned humanoids with blonde hair and tight-fitting space suits. In previous years, numerous cases had been reported, such as that of Richard Price in September 1955; Prospera Muñoz in 1947; the Armstrong case in 1953; the Shenefield case in 1952, etc. In fact, some investigators, like Budd Hopkins, have claimed to detect a 'constant' in current abductions. Many alleged abductees claimed to have had previous experiences in their early childhood. Many of the abductees who went to Hopkins coincided chronologically in their first experiences. Thus, the year 1950 constantly appeared in regressive hypnosis sessions as a starting point for many current cases. Laura Davis, Philipe Osborne, or the German Elisabeth Weindt claimed to have been abducted by extraterrestrials in 1950. However, ufologists' archives worldwide record even older cases.

Table of Abductions

The table lists 100 cases of alleged abductions, detailing the date, location, type of occupants, type of craft, and their attitude towards the witness. The data ranges from 1880 to 1987, with entries including Songci (China), Josserand (Texas), Kansas (USA), Szuhabapatak (Hungary), Wisconsin (USA), Bode (Iowa), Truman (Kansas), Jumilla (Murcia), Pucusana (Peru), Griffith (USA), Indianapolis (USA), Smoky Mountains (USA), Capell-Hill (USA), and many more from various countries.

In February 1949, C. A. V., an employee of an oil company in Peru, claimed to have been taken into a Flying Saucer by monstrous humanoids. In the summer of 1947, the Spanish Prospera Muñoz claimed to have had her first unusual encounter with macrocephalic aliens in Jumilla (Murcia). Two years earlier, Denise Mount claimed to have been abducted by small beings with large skulls in Truman (Kansas). In 1939, the same macrocephalic humanoids were described by Ed Duval as responsible for his abduction, including an implant. Even the prestigious Jacques Vallée cites an abduction that occurred in 1921 in Marseille (France).

These cases prior to 1961 have been consistently used by ufologists who defend the abduction thesis as an argument for the extraterrestrial hypothesis. How is it possible that abduction cases with classic components of contemporary cases occurred before the Hills? Would such coincidences in the accounts be possible if the alien abduction experiences were not authentic? The answer is a resounding yes.

While it is true that all these cases predate the Barney and Betty Hill incident, and even some predate 1947—the start of the flying saucer phenomenon—they were all collected and published after the phenomenon became known internationally. The Hill case, in some measure, enriched or inspired these supposed previous cases in many of their details: interior of the craft, typology of the occupants, etc.

It is not difficult to imagine an excited investigator trying to recover 'lost time' from a witness's memory through hypnosis after a UFO incident. That investigator is perfectly familiar with the typical description of 'macrocéphales dwarfs,' 'implants,' discoidal craft, etc. To what extent can we give credibility to the description the witness will give of that supposed childhood experience?

Another issue is that of cases described and published before 1961 and even before 1947, in which one or more people claim to have been abducted by strange beings from unusual flying craft. Some ufologists, like Jerome Clark, John Keel, or Jacques Vallée, patiently immersed themselves in old libraries and newspaper archives, collecting strange experiences protagonized by individuals from all social strata in different parts of the world, associated with supposed UFOs. The best example is the abundant volume of references compiled in the Project Magonia Exchange, coordinated by Chris Aubeck on the internet since 2003.

In 1903, for example, the Polish woodcutter Petrovzky Ivanku disappeared after entering a strange luminous sphere, supposedly in the presence of several villagers from the town of Szuhabapatak. In 1897, during the celebrated 'wave' of 1897, when a strange 'airship' repeatedly crossed the North American skies, some witnesses claimed to have visited the interior of those flying objects in the company of their unusual occupants. These beings were, more often than not, described as 'normal humans,' apparently technologically more advanced than the society in which they lived.

On April 29, 1897, for example, a Kansas farmer claimed to have been lifted into an 'airship' after being snagged by the anchor descending from the object. He returned the next day from White Cloud, describing his incredible adventure. Eight days earlier, in Josserand (Texas), Frank Nichols had the opportunity to visit the interior of an airship after offering water to the occupants, whom he described as humans about 1.20 m tall, who descended from the strange ovoid object that landed near his house.

These old cases offer a very interesting perspective on the abduction phenomenon, enriching its possible interpretations. This is because the 'abduction' cases collected before the 1940s hardly fit contemporary ufological patterns, despite referring to similar experiences.

Authors like the renowned French folklorist Bertran Meheust have highlighted the surprising parallels between the descriptions of current 'alien abductions' and ancient kidnappings by fairies, gnomes, and other mythical figures. In his celebrated 'Passport to Magonia,' Jacques Vallée extensively develops the hypothesis that current abductions are the updating of an ancestral myth. Vallée, Meheust, and other authors refer to myths like that of Magonia, the land of fairies, intending to equate both experiences. On November 15, 1792, for example, Hans Bouchmann (a 50-year-old Swiss peasant) disappeared suddenly in the village of Romerswill-Sempach, only to reappear two weeks later in Milan. Bouchmann recounted that he had been lifted into the air and transported to the land of fairies, from which he returned without any hair on his body, weeks later.

It is evident that the parallelism between Hans Bouchmann's abduction and hundreds of contemporary abductions is clear. But if it is merely a cultural extrapolation of a myth, where was Bouchmann really for two weeks? How did he get to Milan? What made him lose all his body hair? Furthermore, these abductions are not limited to the Western context. On May 8, 1880, an unusual kidnapping occurred in the Chinese province of Hubei. A villager named Tan, from the village of Songei, perceived a multicolored luminous object in the sky before feeling himself floating in the air and finding himself in the clouds, then losing consciousness. He reappeared some time later in Guizhou, a thousand kilometers from his home. If the account reflects a real event, was he teleported by a myth?

Perhaps we should broaden the concept of myth, not limiting it to a folkloric belief, but conceiving it as a symbolic representation referring to a type of phenomenon disguised or interpreted differently depending on the cultural and chronological context in which it occurs. Examining ancient treatises on classical demonology, I myself have encountered strange raptors, attributed in that context to demonic entities capable of flying.

In the celebrated work of Antonio de Torquemada, published in 1570, the curious episode of the 'flying boy' is narrated. Apparently, a 13-year-old Spanish boy, cursed by his mother for his constant mischief, disappeared one night while heading to the stable around ten o'clock. No matter how much his parents, siblings, and neighbors searched, the boy was nowhere to be found. Two hours later, a loud noise was heard from the boy's bedroom. There he was found, full of wounds and terrified. Apparently, according to Torquemada's chronicle, 'frightening and enormous men carried him through the air at great speed.' When, years later, Torquemada himself met the boy, now a man, he found a person who, deaf since that day, still shuddered recalling his traumatic experience with those demons... What else could they be? Cases like the one cited by Torquemada abound in inquisitorial treatises, related to incubi, succubi, and other infernal... or angelic powers. Logically, only within the religious context could these unusual accounts find a place for posterity.

The Utopian Proofs

Anyone who seeks to dismiss the phenomenon of abductions by claiming they are all the result of imagination or fraud demonstrates scientific ignorance. Similarly, anyone who claims to scientifically prove that abductions are carried out by aliens is a great illusionist. Between these two positions, the abduction phenomenon playfully flirts with investigators, offering them incredible stories narrated by credible people, and sporadic indications pointing to a material repercussion of the phenomenon, as something physical, solid, and three-dimensional.

Of the hundred cases collected in this study, two-thirds are purely testimonial, yet more than 30% of the accounts are accompanied by 'evidence' that apparently supports the abductee's testimony. From scars on the abductees' bodies to traces of alleged landing sites, to collateral testimonies from those who claim to have seen UFOs in the location and time of the abduction, the clues continue to pile up on ufologists' desks, like a provocation. A challenge to our intellectual capacity. We cannot demonstrate any concrete origin for the abductors, but we must also rule out that all abductions are mere fabrications created by the witness's feverish imagination. 'Something' physical and real leaves a trace in some of these episodes.

Unfortunately, the incredibility of an account in which someone claims to have been abducted by extraterrestrials generally eclipses any interest from scientists. In this regard, I can share a personal anecdote. In 1990, during a psychoanalysis congress (commemorating the 50th anniversary of Freud's death), I was conversing with a psychiatrist from the Social Security of El Ferrol (A Coruña). At one point in the conversation, I deliberately brought up the subject of UFOs. My intention was to gather a psychiatrist's opinion on the two abductions we were investigating at the time: the Fernando Martínez case and the Olga L. case (see EOC no. 57). Thus, I asked for his opinion on two people, an electrician and an administrative assistant, who, despite being perfectly normal, believed they had experienced an interior UFO encounter. 'Psychotics,' the psychiatrist snapped without letting me finish the sentence. 'Psychotics, because someone who says they see something that doesn't exist is a psychotic...' This blunt and lapidary sentence, which after all reflects the sentiment of many laypeople, is a good reason for reflection. Probably, if my friend the Doctor knew Fernando Martínez and Olga L. personally, he would not hold such an opinion. And it is that, apart from whether some abductees suffer from a personality disorder, whether or not it is related to the temporal lobe as Michael Persinger assures, there is much more...

Strange Scars

No less than 25% of abductees present strange scars and wounds on their bodies, theoretically produced during experiences inside UFOs. It is true that, in many cases, these wounds (and the word 'wound' is pretentious in most cases) are nothing more than warts, eczema, or any epidermal problem that the abductee incorporates into their history as evidence of the physical reality of their memory. On the other hand, a psychosomatic or autosuggestive process, similar to those produced in hypnosis, can generate wounds and even burns on a person's body, reflecting a delusion or a never-real belief. However, in this regard, Dr. John Mack differentiated the 'marks' of abductees from other wounds of psychosomatic origin like the stigmata of Christian mystics. But we know that in some cases the wound may be due to a previous accident, with no relevance, and located afterward by the witness, who incorporates it into their account. However, some cases are not so simple. In July 1976, a couple and their baby of a few months were allegedly abducted in Goodland (USA). According to their account, they were subjected to various experiments on the ship, including skin samples. When they returned, they had a circular burn mark around their navel... and the baby also had it.

Shared Experiences

The classic notion that abductions are purely individual experiences is not 100% true. Although the vast majority of accounts come from a single witness, there are enough 'collective' cases to reconsider the hallucination hypothesis. In these cases, it would be collective delusions or organized frauds in the last instance.

In the study conducted by the North American folklorist Thomas E. Bullard, which collected 312 abduction cases up to 1985, involving about 400 abducted individuals, it is revealed that 24% of the cases affect multiple simultaneous witnesses. Bullard cites 49 cases of abduction by two witnesses at once, 12 by three or four abductees at the same time, and even one case of abduction by seven witnesses traveling in two different cars. Let's recall that some classic cases, like Pascagoula, or the pioneering Hill case, are shared experiences by two abductees at once.

Do Witnesses Lie?

Conscious fraud, the first thought that comes to mind when hearing such incredible accounts, is at least partially ruled out when the witness undergoes a series of psychological, graphological, and psychiatric tests, etc., designed to detect fabrications.

I will not yet speak about hypnosis, which according to the Bullard report was used in 87 cases to recall the abduction episode. But I would like to mention the 5% of cases where the witness was subjected, under medical supervision, to Pentothal or 'truth serum.' The polygraph, or 'lie detector,' has also been used before accepting the abductee's testimony in some notable cases. Furthermore, we must consider that in many cases, when the abduction involves the witness's disappearance for several hours, or days, as happened with the Frenchman Frank Fontaine or the Cuban Filiberto Cárdenas, police investigations are carried out by detectives and professional investigators, who gather more elements of judgment, means, and experience to uncover fraud than amateur ufologists.

Other UFO Testimonies

There are not few cases that, had they not included the abduction episode, would have been accepted by the most critical ufologists as authentic UFO incidents. This is due not only to the great credibility of some abductees—writers, military personnel, police officers, etc.—but also to the circumstantial evidence surrounding the case. In 5% of abduction cases, remains of the alleged 'craft' landing site were found in the form of scorched grass, 'landing gear' marks, holes in the ground, etc., which investigators associated with the witness's account. There are even cases where a Geiger counter registered an increase in radioactivity in the area of the alleged landing. In my book 'Grand Enigmas Frente a la Ciencia,' I explain why, in my opinion, all these supposed indications of an extraterrestrial origin of the phenomenon suggest the opposite. However, my reflections are not shared by the vast majority of the international ufological community...

If that were not enough, there are cases where other witnesses observed part of the experience. In the Travis Walton epic, for example, half a dozen companions of the famous American lumberjack declared to have seen the UFO and Walton approaching the alleged craft. Victims of panic, they fled, leaving Walton alone in front of the 'flying saucer.' Travis Walton reappeared days later, in apparent shock. The police investigation, lie detector tests, hypnosis, and witnesses who corroborated the abductee's account led Walton and his companions to win a $5,000 prize offered by the National Enquirer for the 'best abduction of the year.'

In the case of Filiberto Cárdenas, allegedly abducted in Miami on Wednesday, January 3, 1979, and whose police investigation includes for the first time the term 'Close Encounter' as a possible cause for his disappearance, at least three people saw the alleged 'craft' and the beam of light moments before Cárdenas disappeared inside it. Perhaps this was the detail that motivated Dr. Hynek himself to personally investigate this unusual episode. I will refrain from citing here, for the moment, the contradictory case of Uri Geller, despite Andrija Puharich claiming to have personally seen Geller enter the 'nave' Spectra, due to Puharich's connection with this experience.

In my opinion, this section is particularly interesting, as it shows very serious evidence that in some cases there is a real UFO experience that, in any case, could have inspired a later fabrication... or perhaps not.

Other 'Evidence'?

Sincerely, I believe it is dangerous to try to establish laws, norms, or models regarding the UFO phenomenon and, of course, abductions. Each case is unique, regardless of whether some of its factors may coincide with other experiences reported by other witnesses. That is why the thorny issue of 'proof' takes on the character of a 'crusade' for authors who have clear hypotheses. With genuine frenzy, they analyze, study, and review their most interesting cases, hoping to validate their theories. However, the ethical responsibility of any self-respecting investigator obliges them to demand the utmost rigor in their studies before issuing a judgment on any case, as it will go on to swell the ufological archives and become a source of consultation when analyzing and judging subsequent UFO experiences. This is not a trivial matter. Some enthusiasts take the subject very seriously. Fervently passionate, they condition their lives on what they consider 'the number one problem of modern science.' And every time a classic case, re-investigated in depth, turns out to be a fraud, they suffer a profound disappointment. At the same time, the credibility of the study of anomalies is shaken every time a deficient or sensationalist investigation makes headlines with an unreal story. It is everyone's responsibility to be rigorous and strict in our studies. Because public opinion and the scientific community judge the entire phenomenon every time they judge the credibility of a case. Fortunately, some authors opt for in-depth investigation before evaluating a case. The study of an abduction account can take years, and during that time, an infinite number of 'evidences,' more or less subjective, accumulate around the investigator of the abductee's social behavior, which can vary notably after their abduction, even suffering physiological changes. The 'proofs' of abductions are, by norm, as elusive as an eel. On very few occasions can the abductee show 'evidences' that are solid and tangible. However, in some cases...

DARO: When the Proofs Are Not

In November 1990, we began the investigation of what seemed to be the most solid, documented, and 'evidence-rich' case in Spanish ufology history. The protagonist was a cultured commercial agent for a well-known insurance agency. A Venezuelan living in Spain, he claimed that in November of that year he had begun to experience a series of UFO contact experiences that culminated exactly at 04:03 AM on March 8, 1991, on a lonely Galician highway. The witness was returning to his home after a work meeting in another city. Fortunately, he had a recorder on the passenger seat with which he entertained himself during the trip. Around 03:40, he observed a strange light in the sky, similar to others sighted at a great distance since January of that year. He took the recorder and commented on what he observed without stopping the car: 'It's 03:40 in the morning. I'm heading from Lugo to La Coruña, coming from Valladolid, and in the distance I see the usual little light that often accompanies me during my trips...'

A few minutes later, he observed the light again crossing the road and again recorded his comment on the tape recorder: 'New crossing on the road with the light at four minus four minutes in the morning. It passes by again and moves away...' At 04:30, the third recording occurs. Apparently, according to his account, at that moment he took the recorder again, activated it, and recounted what was happening. The third recording is more confused. A pulsating background sound makes it a bit difficult to hear, but the witness's voice is still clearly audible. In fact, he shouts, visibly excited: 'It's four and three minutes, and now it's directly above... above the car... No more than five meters above the car... God... If I accelerate, it accelerates too... No car... I see it through the side window... It's all light, it's round and metallic... God... Here it comes, here comes a car...' Suddenly, that pulsating hum accompanying the recording becomes much more intense, and the recording abruptly cuts off. According to the witness, at that instant he was 'lifted by the light' towards the interior of the craft.

The recording by Ismael Rodríguez is a unique document. Never before, and never since, has an abductee provided a sound document that claims to capture the exact moment of the abduction, 'live and direct.' Ismael, the protagonist of a complex and elaborate contact case that took us several years to investigate, also provided a torrent of evidence of his UFO experiences, including photos, films, documents... Unfortunately, everything was false and the product of a creative, original, and ingenious fraud. I refer the reader to our detailed report on the matter, published in El Ojo Crítico no. 50. The conclusion is evident: even in cases that provide the greatest quantity and quality of evidence, we must be extremely cautious.

Hypnosis: Does it Guarantee Testimony?

From the Hill case to the present day, regressive hypnosis has been the standard among abduction phenomenon researchers to support their studies. However, today, no one accepts hypnosis as an infallible technique. It has been said ad nauseam that this system prevents fraud, but the latest studies in clinical hypnosis, for example at the Complutense University of Madrid, show that in a hypnotic sleep state, it is as possible to lie as in an ordinary waking state. In a hypnotic trance, it is not only possible to fabricate, but it is even more likely. If the hypnotized subject knows that the hypnotist 'is looking for' an abduction, it is more than likely that they will offer it on a platter. Precisely for this reason, regressions require special skill and great honesty to avoid conditioning the witness. The witness must be the one who, at all times, provides the information of their experience to the hypnotist and not the other way around.

Let's assume we are conducting hypnosis with someone who has experienced 'missing time' after a UFO sighting. Notably relaxed, the witness describes a strong light, a sort of luminous beam, and a resplendent room. At that moment, the hypnotist asks: 'What is the ship like?' That regression immediately ceases to be reliable. We have introduced a concept: 'ship,' into the account of a witness who, until that moment, had only spoken of a beam of light and a resplendent room... It would not be surprising if, from that moment on, a process of unconscious fabrication becomes intertwined with a real UFO experience.

Despite this, reputed specialists and experienced abduction phenomenon investigators consider hypnosis, when used correctly, to be a useful tool. From Budd Hopkins to Leo Sprinkle, many ufologists resort to hypnosis when dealing with new accounts. Especially to try to recover those 'lost time' episodes from the memory of some UFO encounter witnesses.

It is worth noting that a correctly performed hypnotic regression does not necessarily produce false abduction memories. In early 1989, for example, we conducted an interesting experiment in the laboratory of the Center for Psychobio-physical Research in Vigo. A young man of about twenty-five, Jorge, had had an interesting UFO sighting a few years earlier. Immediately after observing that dazzling light, he remembered nothing. He only recalled arriving late for his classes that day... later than usual. The case had the classic background of a 'missing time' pre-abduction. So we decided to try to recover that possible abduction experience from the witness's memory. Hypnosis, brilliantly performed by Javier Akerman, provided us with interesting data about the UFO, but despite our efforts, the abduction did not appear anywhere.

However, if the witness is honest, sure of their experience, and has no desire for notoriety, as was the case; and if the hypnotist controls the development of the regression at all times, without influencing it tendentiously, there is no reason to 'fabricate' false memories. Unfortunately, in few cases do we have total certainty that the hypnosis performed on an alleged abductee has not influenced their testimony. Perhaps that is why hypnosis, despite being used in some police investigations, is not considered judicial proof. Lie detectors, truth serum, footprints, scars, hypnosis... all of this is fine, but 'is there any solid proof?' cry the skeptics. The truth is that it depends on what we understand by solid.

'Solid' Proofs

It would not be the first time that an abductee presents photographs, almost always very dubious, of their captors, the interior of the UFO, or the disc in which they were allegedly abducted. As incredible as this may seem, in some episodes the abductee carried a camera, and these photos, generally out of focus or suspiciously sharp, exist.

Paco Padrón, for example, managed to take photographs with an infrared film roll on the day of his abduction. The Catalan Xavier C., now totally discredited, reported finding numerous photos in his camera, which he was carrying at the time of his hypothetical abduction, that he had not taken. The photos showed beings with monstrous human appearances, closer to latex masks from movie props than to the occupants described by thousands of witnesses. The North American Bill Hermann, for his part, provided spectacular photographs of the supposed UFO from which he was allegedly abducted. And even a photograph has been published, collected in Alberto Perego's work 'L'aviazione degli altri pianeti opera fra noi' (Italy, 1963), which purports to show the interior of a UFO with its instrumentation for abductions... An incredible photo. That is, not credible.

Personally, I believe that something more interesting than these controversial images, which are nevertheless enthusiastically wielded by the less critical defenders of the HET, are the experiences of some UFO investigators. And it is that, when you opt for an 'on-site' investigation, which are the most complete investigations, of the abduction phenomenon, some of us have found ourselves involved in the surprising phenomenology, whether psychological or physical, that surrounds the case. And it forces us, already as part of the phenomenon, to discard the possibility that it is all a fraud or the product of the witness's fantasy. There is something more. From the vice-president of BUFORA, the Englishman John Spencer, to the Spaniard Josep Guijarro, some ufologists with extensive careers have had paranormal experiences when, by

John Mack: the Psychiatrist Who Believed Abductees

Born in New York, John Mack graduated as a doctor (Cum Laude) from Harvard in 1955. In the 1980s, Mack interviewed many political figures as part of his research into the deep causes of the Cold War. Among them were former President Jimmy Carter and the 'father of the hydrogen bomb,' Edward Teller. In the company of personalities like Carl Sagan, Mack and 700 other professors infiltrated the grounds of the Nevada nuclear test site, setting a record for civil disobedience. And demonstrating that John Mack was not easily intimidated by new challenges.

In the 1990s, he began a study, which lasted ten years, of more than 200 men and women who reported recurrent UFO experiences. Initially, he suspected that these individuals suffered from mental illnesses, but when he found no evidence of obvious pathologies in the interviewed individuals, his interest was piqued.

Stimulated by his old friend Thomas Kuhn, who predicted that the subject could be controversial, Mack began an intense study of the abduction phenomenon. Many of the individuals he interviewed reported that their encounters had affected their worldview, including the enhancement of a greater sense of spirituality and concern for the environment. His interest in the spiritual aspects and the psychic transformation of abductees, and his suggestion that the extraterrestrial contact experience might be more transcendent in itself than its physical or non-physical nature, set him apart from many of his contemporaries, like Budd Hopkins, who advocated for the physical reality of extraterrestrials.

(In the photo, John Mack with Budd Hopkins)

It would not be surprising if, from that moment on, a process of unconscious fabrication became intertwined with a real UFO experience.

Despite this, reputed specialists and experienced abduction phenomenon investigators consider hypnosis, when used correctly, to be a useful tool. From Budd Hopkins to Leo Sprinkle, many ufologists resort to hypnosis when dealing with new accounts. Especially to try to recover those 'lost time' episodes from the memory of some UFO encounter witnesses.

It is worth noting that a correctly performed hypnotic regression does not necessarily produce false abduction memories. In early 1989, for example, we conducted an interesting experiment in the laboratory of the Center for Psychobio-physical Research in Vigo. A young man of about twenty-five, Jorge, had had an interesting UFO sighting a few years earlier. Immediately after observing that dazzling light, he remembered nothing. He only recalled arriving late for his classes that day... later than usual. The case had the classic background of a 'missing time' pre-abduction. So we decided to try to recover that possible abduction experience from the witness's memory. Hypnosis, brilliantly performed by Javier Akerman, provided us with interesting data about the UFO, but despite our efforts, the abduction did not appear anywhere.

However, if the witness is honest, sure of their experience, and has no desire for notoriety, as was the case; and if the hypnotist controls the development of the regression at all times, without influencing it tendentiously, there is no reason to 'fabricate' false memories. Unfortunately, in few cases do we have total certainty that the hypnosis performed on an alleged abductee has not influenced their testimony. Perhaps that is why hypnosis, despite being used in some police investigations, is not considered judicial proof. Lie detectors, truth serum, footprints, scars, hypnosis... all of this is fine, but 'is there any solid proof?' cry the skeptics. The truth is that it depends on what we understand by solid.

'Solid' Proofs

It would not be the first time that an abductee presents photographs, almost always very dubious, of their captors, the interior of the UFO, or the disc in which they were allegedly abducted. As incredible as this may seem, in some episodes the abductee carried a camera, and these photos, generally out of focus or suspiciously sharp, exist.

Paco Padrón, for example, managed to take photographs with an infrared film roll on the day of his abduction. The Catalan Xavier C., now totally discredited, reported finding numerous photos in his camera, which he was carrying at the time of his hypothetical abduction, that he had not taken. The photos showed beings with monstrous human appearances, closer to latex masks from movie props than to the occupants described by thousands of witnesses. The North American Bill Hermann, for his part, provided spectacular photographs of the supposed UFO from which he was allegedly abducted. And even a photograph has been published, collected in Alberto Perego's work 'L'aviazione degli altri pianeti opera fra noi' (Italy, 1963), which purports to show the interior of a UFO with its instrumentation for abductions... An incredible photo. That is, not credible.

Personally, I believe that something more interesting than these controversial images, which are nevertheless enthusiastically wielded by the less critical defenders of the HET, are the experiences of some UFO investigators. And it is that, when you opt for an 'on-site' investigation, which are the most complete investigations, of the abduction phenomenon, some of us have found ourselves involved in the surprising phenomenology, whether psychological or physical, that surrounds the case. And it forces us, already as part of the phenomenon, to discard the possibility that it is all a fraud or the product of the witness's fantasy. There is something more. From the vice-president of BUFORA, the Englishman John Spencer, to the Spaniard Josep Guijarro, some ufologists with extensive careers have had paranormal experiences when, by

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring themes in this issue revolve around the mystery of UFO abductions, exploring their cultural, psychological, and potential physical dimensions. The magazine presents a critical yet open-minded approach, acknowledging the lack of definitive proof while highlighting the persistent nature of these accounts and the need for rigorous investigation. The editorial stance appears to be one of cautious exploration, presenting various perspectives and evidence without definitively concluding on the extraterrestrial origin of abductions, but rather emphasizing the profound impact these experiences have on individuals and the ongoing debate within ufology and related fields.

This issue of El Crítico (Issue 51) is a dense exploration of the multifaceted phenomenon of cannibalism, presented through a social and historical lens, alongside various articles on ufology and anomalous phenomena. The magazine's publisher is EOC, and it is published in Spanish.

A Social History of Cannibalism: Strange Feasts and Diets

The lead article, "Una historia social del canibalismo: Sobre festines y dietas extraños," by Manuel Carballal, provides an extensive overview of cannibalism across cultures and time. It begins by defining cannibalism and distinguishing it from anthropophagy, noting the etymological origin of the word from the Carib tribe. The article highlights how the Spanish and other European powers used the pretext of Carib cannibalism to enslave indigenous populations.

Carballal differentiates between endocannibalism and exocannibalism, acknowledging the complexity and ritualistic aspects often associated with the practice. He argues that cannibalism, in various forms, is deeply ingrained in human cultural heritage, appearing in myths, religious practices (like the Christian communion), and as a symbol of creation, union with the divine, or social cohesion.

The article traces the historical evidence of cannibalism, citing findings in Atapuerca, Spain, of Neanderthal remains showing signs of being devoured over 40,000 years ago, and even earlier evidence of Homo antecessor cannibalism. It discusses how the practice has served diverse purposes: criminal, religious, social cohesion, communion, or simply sustenance. Western culture has often associated cannibalism with barbarism and savagery.

Mythological examples are explored, including the Inuit goddess Sedna, the Norse giant Ymir, the Indian giant Purusha, and the Greek myth of Cronos devouring his children. Literary and historical accounts are also presented, such as the legend of the Wendigo, the myth of Procne and Tereus, and the practices of the Keres and Cyclops in classical mythology. Historical figures like Herodotus, Tacitus, and Juvenal are mentioned for their records of cannibalistic acts.

The article details instances of cannibalism driven by extreme hunger during sieges of cities like Numancia and Sagunto, and during the Great Famine in Egypt. It also recounts the horrific cannibalism that occurred during the siege of Leningrad in World War II, where organized bands hunted citizens for food, and human flesh was sold in markets.

A Very Recent Past...

The issue highlights the documented cannibalism during the Holodomor, the man-made famine in Ukraine orchestrated by Stalin, which led to the deaths of millions and widespread cannibalism among starving peasants and deportees. The tragedy of Nazino (1933) on Nazino Island is described, where thousands deported to Siberia died from starvation and resorted to cannibalism.

Cannibalism is also linked to the Fore tribe of New Guinea, where it led to the neurodegenerative disease kuru, caused by prions transmitted through consuming infected human brain tissue. The article notes that while this was a funerary practice, cannibalism in Irian Jaya and Papua New Guinea has not always followed this pattern.

Cannibalism in the Present Day

In contemporary times, cannibalism is largely driven by necessity, crime, or mental illness. Recent cases include the 2012 voluntary cannibalism by Japanese chef Mao Sugiyama, who offered to cook his own sexual organs, and the notorious case of Issei Sagawa, who murdered and consumed a fellow student in 1981.

The article lists other infamous figures associated with cannibalism, such as Jeffrey Dahmer, Armin Meiwes, Arthur Shawcross, and Ajmat Azimov, noting that each case represents a story of horror, cruelty, and revulsion.

Cannibal Literature

The magazine explores the presence of cannibalism in literature. It mentions the Brothers Grimm's fairy tales, particularly "Hänsel and Gretel" and "Del Enebro," which feature gruesome cannibalistic elements. Edgar Allan Poe's "The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym" is discussed for its depiction of cannibalism as a means of survival at sea, specifically the sacrifice of Richard Parker.

Other literary works cited include H.G. Wells's "The Time Machine," Robert Anson Heinlein's "Stranger in a Strange Land," and Jonathan Swift's satirical pamphlet "A Modest Proposal," which sarcastically suggests consuming babies to alleviate poverty in Ireland. The Dadaist "Cannibal Manifesto" by Francis Picabia and the "Manifesto of Anthropophagy" by Oswald de Andrade are also mentioned for their provocative ideas on social unity through anthropophagy.

Roland Topor's "La Cuisine Cannibale" (1970) is highlighted as an important and extravagant literary work that uses mordacity, dark humor, and surrealism to present impossible recipes, aiming to offend and scandalize.

The El Crítico's Columns and Features

The El OVNI ¿era una mariposa?

This section discusses a photograph published by the portal 03442.com.ar, which showed an object that was initially suspected to be a UFO. The portal Realidad Ovni analyzed the image with experts and concluded that the object was likely a butterfly. The analysis involved digital enhancement and comparison with local fauna, leading to the identification of a butterfly as the most plausible explanation.

"Ufología aeronáutica" en LRdM

This piece announces the launch of a blog for the program "La Rueda del Misterio" and the free distribution of the book "Ufología aeronáutica" by Rodrigo Bravo and Juan Castillo, available at http://laruedadelmisterio.blogspot.com.es/.

"La incógnita OVNI”... y gratis

This section promotes the book "La incógnita OVNI: Metafísica de la ruptura" by Pablo Vergel, which offers a different perspective on the UFO phenomenon by updating theories from researchers like Jacques Vallée and John Keel. The book is available for free download at http://metafisicaovni.wordpress.com/.

X Cumpleaños de Magonia Exchange

This short piece celebrates the 10th anniversary of Magonia Exchange, an initiative that compiles historical and bibliographical research on UFO investigations worldwide, coordinated by Chris Aubeck.

Cambios en la tertulia Zona Cero

This is a brief announcement about upcoming changes in the "Zona Cero" talk show on Onda Cero, hinting at a departure and a new guest for the next season.

Moisés Garrido hereda a Darnaude

This article reports that ufologist Ignacio Darnaude (81) has donated his extensive archives on ufology and parapsychology to Moisés Garrido (46). Darnaude, a pioneer of "Transufología," expressed his desire for his collection to be managed by a serious and competent researcher.

José A. Caravaca... imparable

This section praises José Antonio Caravaca for his objective and in-depth research, particularly his "Theory of Distortion," which has gained attention from international ufology publications and websites.

Un OVNI en los premios AENA

Miguel Ángel Ruiz, an aeronautical engineer, has submitted an article titled "CESAR CABO: ¿CASO OVNI RESUELTO?" to the XVIII edition of the AENA Journalism Awards. The article critically reviews the UFO incident involving Cesar Cabo, the former director of air traffic controllers.

I Jornadas Gastronómicas anómalas

This announcement promotes a gastronomic event in Zaragoza where chef Joan Rosell has created a menu inspired by famous mysteries like the Bermuda Triangle and Roswell.

El blog de Yohanan Díaz

This piece highlights Yohanan Díaz's blog (http://www.yohanandiaz.blogspot.com.es/) as a valuable resource for UFO research, particularly for its interviews with figures like Rael and Antonio Urzi.

La foto:

This section describes a spontaneous gesture by listeners of the "Dimensión Límite" program on Radio Guadalajara to honor the organizers with a video and commemorative plaques, praising their rigor, critical thinking, and solidarity.

Más aviones espía en Lugo

Izquierda Unida has requested explanations from the Spanish Congress of Deputies regarding the testing of unmanned aircraft by Cassidian at the Rozas aerodrome, fearing it could become a base for US "spy planes."

J.J. Benítez y el CESID

J.J. Benítez recounts an incident in 1997 where he claims to have identified and photographed alleged CESID agents who were surveilling Bárbara Rey's home.

John Mack al cine... y a Vanity Fair

This article announces that the life of Dr. John Mack, a psychiatrist who researched abductees, will be the subject of a film produced by MakeMagic Productions and Wildwood Enterprises. Vanity Fair magazine also featured an extensive report on his life.

Julio F., UMMO y Jordán Peña

This report confirms José Luis Jordán Peña's confession to orchestrating the "Julio F." case, a significant UFO abduction case, as a fraud to reinforce the UMMO narrative.

Todos contra El Ojo Crítico

This section addresses threats and legal actions received by the magazine "El Ojo Crítico" (EOC) for publishing articles that debunk frauds and expose charlatans, specifically mentioning a case involving the sect "Nonsiamosolli."

Aida Nizar y las caras de Belmez

This piece comments on the visit of Aida Nizar to Belmez and the reactions to her presence, referencing a video report.

Los OVNIs de la Antártida

Vicente Juan Ballester Olmos is leading a team that has published the first Spanish-language electronic monograph on UFO sightings in Antarctica in 1965.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The magazine consistently explores themes of the anomalous, the unexplained, and the controversial, with a particular focus on ufology, historical mysteries, and social phenomena. The editorial stance appears to be one of critical investigation, willing to debunk hoaxes and expose fraud while also presenting evidence and theories related to unexplained events. There is a clear interest in historical context and the cultural impact of these phenomena. The magazine also seems to champion pluralism in media, supporting various publications and radio programs in the field of anomalies.

This issue of "Criminología" (Issue 61) focuses on true crime and investigative journalism, featuring an extensive interview with Juan Ignacio Blanco, a prominent Spanish journalist and criminologist.

Interview with Juan Ignacio Blanco

The cover story is an interview with Juan Ignacio Blanco, who describes himself as abstemious, a night owl, a curious reader, an impenitent smoker, and an indefatigable investigator. He holds a degree in Information Sciences and is an expert in criminology. Throughout his career, he directed the legendary crime weekly "El Caso" until its demise in 1987. He later presented and directed "El callejón de las sombras" on Antena3, which became the most successful radio program on crime in Spanish history. He also authored the judicially sequestrated book "¿Qué pasó en Alcasser?" (1998) and is currently acting as a popular prosecutor in the case against Antonio Anglés and others. Blanco also directs Murderpedia.org, the world's largest digital encyclopedia on serial killers.

Blanco explains that his career in crime reporting was a matter of chance, stemming from his father's connection to the owner of "El Caso." He found the field fascinating from the start. He fondly recalls the passion and camaraderie of the "El Caso" era, describing it as a "true faculty of crime journalism" where veteran reporters mentored newcomers. He notes that while people generally want to avoid the crime pages, "El Caso" managed to publish exceptional reports.

He contrasts the past with the present, observing that contemporary crime journalism relies more on the internet than on fieldwork. He laments the lack of dedicated crime publications and television programs, which hinders professional continuity. He also notes increasingly strained relationships with security forces, who provide less information. Budget cuts further limit journalists' ability to travel and investigate thoroughly.

Blanco discusses his personal preferences among famous Spanish criminal cases, highlighting the "assassination of the Urquijo Marquises" as particularly significant due to its novelistic elements, though he laments that many such cases remain officially unresolved. He mentions cases like Los Galindos, the Vidente crime, the Almería prostitute murders, and the Macastre triple murder as examples of numerous unsolved homicides and disappearances.

Regarding Murderpedia.org, he explains it was born out of a desire to create a systematic and cross-referenced dictionary of serial killers, addressing the repetition and errors found on many existing websites. He notes that 90% of Murderpedia's entries are in English and focus on foreign killers, but he doesn't rule out a Spanish version.

He expresses skepticism about the resolution of many "unsolved" cases, suggesting that some truths may be deliberately concealed by state powers. He believes that despite increased media and internet access, people are becoming less aware of the truth behind criminal cases.

Blanco reiterates his belief that everyone has the potential to kill under certain circumstances, but not everyone can become a serial killer.

Iker Jiménez's Reflections

Journalist Iker Jiménez shares his memories of meeting Juan Ignacio Blanco during the early days of Radio Voz. He describes Blanco as a distinctive figure, a dedicated crime reporter who embodied the essence of the profession. Jiménez recounts how Blanco shared his passion for crime reporting, his research materials, and his insights into the dark side of society. He emphasizes Blanco's commitment to uncovering the truth, even when facing difficulties and criticism.

Jiménez also reflects on his own section, "La Voz de las Sombras," inspired by Blanco's radio program, which aims to revisit forgotten cases and evoke the atmosphere of classic crime reporting.

Murderpedia.org Statistics and Insights

The issue provides statistics for Murderpedia.org, indicating a large number of entries for male and female murderers, with indexes by country and name. It highlights that most entries are in English and focus on foreign killers, posing the question of whether there are serial killers in Spain.

Case Studies and Commentary

The magazine touches upon famous unsolved cases like Zodiac and Jack the Ripper, with Blanco suggesting that many "unsolved" cases are actually resolved but concealed, or were poorly investigated. He points to DNA analysis as a key tool for solving cold cases.

It also mentions the recent rescue of three women (Georgina DeJesus, Amanda Berry, and Michelle Knight) held captive in Cleveland, USA, and the incorrect psychic predictions made by Sylvia Browne regarding these cases and the disappearance of Shawn Hornbeck.

The Alcàsser Case

Information is provided on how to access chapters of Juan Ignacio Blanco's book "¿Qué pasó en Alcácer?" online and how to purchase a copy. The case is described as the most influential and mediatic crime in Spanish history.

Critiques of Media Coverage

Juan Ignacio Blanco has faced media campaigns aimed at discrediting him, including a false report in the newspaper "QUE" alleging he was a heroin addict. The article clarifies that the person interviewed was not the real Juan Ignacio Blanco.

Criminology and Modern Crime Reporting

Blanco discusses the evolution of criminology, noting advancements in criminal profiling, databases, and statistical studies. However, he criticizes the influence of popular series and films like "Hannibal Lector," "Bones," and "CSI," which he believes create unrealistic stereotypes of criminals and forensic investigations, particularly in Spain where resources are limited.

He maintains his view that everyone has the potential to kill, but becoming a serial killer requires specific circumstances. He also expresses skepticism about the resolution of many cases, suggesting that powerful entities may conceal truths.

Parapsychology Conference in Guadalajara

The magazine reports on the "I Jornadas Solidarias de Parapsicología" (First Solidarity Conference on Parapsychology) held in Guadalajara. The event featured academics, doctors, and scientists discussing parapsychology from a scientific and historical perspective, aiming to distance it from sensationalism and integrate it into academic discourse. The conference also served a charitable purpose, collecting food donations for the NGO Mensajeros de la Paz.

Key speakers included Juan José Sánchez-Oro, Antonio Piñero, Ana María Vázquez Hoys, Oscar Iborra, José Miguel Pérez Navarro, Jaume Esteve, José Luis Ortiz, Manuel Berrocal, and Francisco J. Rubia. The discussions covered topics such as haunted houses, miracles, mythology, and the scientific methodology applied to parapsychological research. The event demonstrated that scientific methods can be applied to investigate paranormal phenomena.

"Divine Truth" Movement in Australia

An article details the "Divine Truth" movement founded by Alan John Miller (who claims to be Jesus Christ reincarnated) and Mary Luck (claiming to be Mary Magdalene) in Queensland, Australia. The movement has gained a significant following, raising concerns among experts about potential cult-like behavior.

Miller claims to have clear memories of his crucifixion and other past lives, including encounters with historical figures. He teaches a method of emotional control and personal connection with God (himself).

"Hay Otros Mundos pero están en este" Book Project

The issue promotes a new solidarity project, a multidisciplinary book titled "Hay Otros Mundos pero están en este," coordinated by David Cuevas and featuring contributions from numerous authors, including J.J. Benítez, Jacques Vallée, and Miguel Blanco. The book covers research on UFOs, parapsychology, archaeology, myths, and legends. A portion of the proceeds from book sales will be donated to the NGO Médicos Sin Fronteras.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The magazine consistently explores the darker aspects of human nature, focusing on true crime, serial killers, and unsolved mysteries. There is a strong emphasis on investigative journalism and the pursuit of truth, as exemplified by the profile of Juan Ignacio Blanco. The publication also shows an interest in fringe science and unexplained phenomena, as seen in the coverage of the parapsychology conference and the mention of UFOs. The editorial stance appears to be one of critical inquiry, seeking to demystify complex subjects and challenge conventional narratives, while also acknowledging the human element and the emotional impact of these events. The magazine also highlights the importance of solidarity and charitable causes through its coverage of events and book projects.