2007 03 08 Social Identities - Vol 13 No 2 - Saethre

Magazine Overview

This document is an article titled "UFOs, Otherness, and Belonging: Identity in Remote Aboriginal Australia" by Eirik Saethre, published in *Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture*, Volume 13, Issue 2, in March 2007. The article was downloaded from the publisher Routledge via Taylor & Francis.

Article Content

The article examines how UFO beliefs are understood and interpreted within the context of urban American society, and seeks to understand how individuals from different social and cultural backgrounds engage with UFO narratives. It focuses on a remote Aboriginal desert community in Central Australia, where descriptions of UFOs blend popular and media portrayals of extraterrestrials with elements from local Aboriginal cosmology. The author argues that these Aboriginal narratives reflect the local social environment of race relations and affirm Aboriginal identity.

Images of UFOs and extraterrestrials have become pervasive globally through media. While UFO enthusiasm has grown since the first sighting in 1947, research has largely focused on 'Western' or 'white' populations, often linking UFO beliefs to anxieties in multicultural, industrialized nations. The article notes that indigenous groups in settler states like the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand have been considered to possess a special awareness of extraterrestrials, yet scholarly research grounding these beliefs in their specific social, cultural, or economic settings is scarce.

In Australia, Aboriginal people face significant social and economic challenges, leading to tension and resentment between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations. Despite the remoteness of many communities, media exposure to UFO narratives is common. During fieldwork in a remote Aboriginal community in Central Australia from 1996 to 1999, Saethre found discussions about extraterrestrials and flying saucers to be frequent, with many residents believing their community was a centre for UFO activity. The author interviewed 18 individuals who claimed to have personally sighted a UFO.

Descriptions of UFOs in this community often combined popular media elements with themes of belonging and protection reminiscent of Aboriginal cosmological beings, such as the rainbow serpent. These narratives comment on issues like racial difference, land ownership, and Aboriginality, reflecting attitudes towards the social environment and legitimizing Aboriginal identity and land rights.

The article traces the origins of popular UFO conceptions, starting with Kenneth Arnold's 1947 sighting and the coining of the term 'flying saucer'. It discusses how early explanations involved secret government aircraft, evolving to extraterrestrial visitors by the late 1940s. Beliefs in government suppression of UFO information gained traction after the Roswell incident in 1947 and was popularized by media like 'The X-Files'. Alien abductions have become the most prevalent element in UFO accounts, with narratives often depicting aliens as malevolent beings concerned with human reproduction and the creation of a hybrid race.

Saethre posits that UFO beliefs in settler societies reflect historical and contemporary anxieties, drawing parallels between attitudes towards UFOs and historical fears of Indian attacks in the American frontier. Abduction narratives are seen as reflecting anxieties about racial and cultural otherness in a globalizing world, where encounters are fearful and devoid of humanity. UFOs serve as a vehicle for individuals to address issues of race and culture.

The article then delves into the specific context of the Warlpiri community in Central Australia. Prior to European contact, the Warlpiri were hunter-gatherers. European settlement led to disputes over land and water, and by the mid-20th century, many Warlpiri lived on government-supervised settlements. The community studied, established in the 1950s, is remote, with residents facing unemployment, poor health, and reliance on government payments. The community has facilities but is largely segregated, with non-Aboriginal workers ('kardiya') living separately from Aboriginal residents ('yapa').

Despite reliance on 'kardiya' for expertise, Warlpiri people often expressed resentment, blaming non-Aboriginal people for displacement, illness, and disenfranchisement. Narratives of victimhood are common, emphasizing the differences between indigenous and non-indigenous people.

The community was considered a hub of UFO activity, with sightings occurring regularly. Unlike ghosts or ancestral forces, UFOs were discussed by both 'yapa' and 'kardiya'. While 'kardiya' often viewed UFOs through a lens of popular media, Warlpiri residents believed the aliens' visits had a purpose, specifically to collect water. Six of the fourteen Aboriginal witnesses claimed that UFO sightings coincided with a lowering of water levels in nearby creeks or rock holes.

Descriptions of UFOs by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal witnesses were similar: large, disc-shaped, brightly lit objects. However, their views on the aliens' intent differed. Warlpiri people believed the aliens were interested in water, not in conquering the planet or conducting experiments. Conspiracy theories were absent in their narratives.

Regarding alien abductions, Warlpiri people asserted they occurred almost exclusively at night and were permanent. A distinctive feature of these narratives was that the victims were always 'kardiya', not 'yapa'. Warlpiri people warned non-Aboriginal visitors about the risk of abduction, but also believed that travelling with Aboriginal people offered protection. This protection was not ritualistic but stemmed from the presence of Aboriginal people, who were recognized as belonging to the land.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring themes in this article include the intersection of UFO phenomena with cultural identity, the concept of 'otherness' in both extraterrestrial and inter-human encounters, and the ways in which marginalized communities interpret global phenomena through their local cosmological and social frameworks. The article highlights how UFO narratives can serve as a means for Aboriginal people to express their experiences of colonization, racial difference, and their connection to traditional lands. The editorial stance, as presented by the journal *Social Identities*, appears to be focused on exploring the complexities of race, nation, and culture, and how these manifest in various social phenomena, including UFO beliefs.

This document, comprising pages 226-233 of a publication titled "Social Identities," focuses on the article "UFOs, Otherness, and Belonging" by E. Saethre. The content, dated January 5, 2015, delves into the unique interpretations of UFO phenomena within Aboriginal communities in Central Australia, particularly the Warlpiri people.

UFOs, Otherness, and Belonging

The article begins by discussing how Aboriginal individuals like David and Mark perceive UFOs and their occupants. Unlike popular Western notions of abduction for experimentation, these individuals believe the aliens recognize their land ('his country') and therefore pose no threat of being taken. The aliens are seen as aware of the Warlpiri people's presence, and it is the 'kardiya' (non-Aboriginal people) who are considered outsiders and at risk. Alan (42) echoed this, stating that because aliens had observed the yapa community for a long time, they were safe from abduction.

The author explores how scholarly approaches to UFOs, including media dissemination and similarities with local cosmologies, can be applied to Aboriginal accounts. In Australia, media portrayals of UFOs are largely influenced by American concepts, disseminated through ubiquitous television, video, and DVD players. Shows like 'The X-Files' and 'Stargate,' and movies like 'Independence Day,' were popular and accessible even in remote areas. Geoffrey (46) noted the similarity between media depictions and Aboriginal narratives, suggesting 'The X-Files' reflected the reality for many residents. However, key themes from popular narratives, such as government conspiracies and alien breeding projects, are absent in Warlpiri accounts.

Michaels (1990) is cited for the idea that people's readings of media are based on lived experience and cultural perspectives, not just the text itself. While media may expose Aboriginal people to popularized UFO notions, their understanding is not solely constrained by these depictions.

Warnayarra and UFOs: Similarities and Differences

The article then draws parallels between Warlpiri descriptions of UFOs and local cosmology, specifically the 'warnayarra,' giant multi-coloured snakes often referred to as rainbow serpents. Warnayarra are associated with water sources and can be blamed for phenomena like sudden drops in water levels. Michael (29) disagreed with John (52) that a drop in water was due to warnayarra, asserting it was aliens and a spaceship. Despite similarities, warnayarra and aliens are spoken of as distinct beings that can coexist without conflict. Both warnayarra and UFOs are described as capable of recognizing and harming individuals. Alan recounted how a warnayarra recognized his son Ben and wrapped around him without harm, emphasizing that recognition of belonging ensures safety. Maisy (48) stated that warnayarra could harm children not identified as part of the community. This concept of safety from dangerous forces, like warnayarra, is linked to land ownership and demonstration of belonging.

Affiliation through 'country' (land) is crucial for identity and social ties. Traditional owners could ensure the safety of guests by performing rituals and speaking to the warnayarra, a practice the author experienced. This act acknowledges the visitor's dependency on their sponsor. Rights to country are politically argued and legitimized through beings like warnayarra.

Narratives of alien abductions echo themes of traditional owners' safety from warnayarra and noumenal forces. Warlpiri people asserted that aliens 'know' yapa, similar to how warnayarra recognize traditional owners. Alan and Mark stressed that aliens recognized the community and Tanami Desert as Aboriginal domains. Abductees are identified as strangers to the community or desert. Like warnayarra, aliens can respond aggressively to foreigners, but protection is possible if acknowledged as belonging. This suggests aliens recognize traditional ownership.

Race, Identity, and Belonging

Unlike warnayarra narratives that distinguish owners by family or residence, abduction tales focus on race. The division between 'kardiya' and 'yapa' permeates social networks, resources, and traditions. The aliens functionally acknowledge only the categories of kardiya and yapa, creating a single identity for all yapa who are safe from abduction, while kardiya, as foreigners, are not. These social categories are reproduced by alien actions, reinforcing group affiliation.

While themes of belonging and protection are present in warnayarra narratives, aliens are unique in routinely incorporating non-Aboriginal people into this cosmological system. Non-Aboriginal people rarely endorse warnayarra beliefs but do engage with alien narratives. Stories like Bill's abduction are shared, and kardiya participate in discussions, sharing their experiences. Although often considered immune to supernatural intervention, kardiya are cautioned by yapa about driving at night. UFOs provide a discourse for representing social relations, shared by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal residents. Television and movies expose all groups to ideas of extraterrestrials, integrating non-Aboriginal people into Warlpiri models of belonging and publicly validating indigenous identity. Alien abductions, through their extraterrestrial origin and superior intelligence, are seen as unbound by human perspectives, yet they recognize Aboriginal identity and land claims.

Alien abductions reinforce Aboriginal identity by allowing yapa to guarantee the safety of kardiya from abductions, suggesting a dependency of the latter on the former. Abduction narratives delineate the relationship between these groups and provide a unique validation of Aboriginal identity, linking it to belonging, land ownership, and recognition by hyper-intelligent beings.

Beyond UFOs, the value of Aboriginality is demonstrated in other community narratives, such as praise for yapa foods being healthier than kardiya foods. Kevin stated, '[Kangaroo] fat is good, makes you strong, not like that fat from kardiya [meat].' Wild yapa honey was believed to cure diabetes, unlike kardiya sugar. These narratives naturalize the division between yapa and kardiya, portraying the former as beneficial, using concepts like a 'medically nutritious diet' initially introduced by the latter.

Science, Discourse, and Identity

The article notes that UFO talk, to be comprehensible to authorities, relies on their languages and logics, even if it remains alien to them. Similarly, in Central Australia, the value of Aboriginality can be demonstrated through appeals to science and medicine. Warlpiri assertions based in science are widely accepted by non-Aboriginal people. These narratives, while mimicking a scientific paradigm, incorporate Aboriginal concerns and perspectives, allowing Warlpiri people to participate in global discourse while maintaining their identity.

Conclusion

In Central Australia, aliens are seen as addressing concerns regarding identity within the context of Aboriginal communities. Unlike in urban contexts where extraterrestrials might represent a threat to human culture, Aboriginal people in Central Australia have a contrasting experience. Aliens are perceived similarly to warnayarra: they seek water, can be blamed for its depletion, and recognize outsiders. Warlpiri narratives do not cast aliens as fundamentally different from other desert inhabitants. Because Aboriginal people are protected from abductions, encounters are not aggressive. UFO sightings do not represent a hostile encounter but rather demonstrate Warlpiri security, assurance, and belonging. While UFOs in America might symbolize conspiracies, in Central Australia, they validate indigenous claims and cosmology in the face of settlement.

Indigenous UFO narratives globally often link local cosmological entities to UFOs, with traditional supernatural beings sometimes considered extraterrestrials. This connection stresses an ancient link with UFOs, suggesting the phenomenon is the same, only the language differs ('Star People' or UFOs). For example, in South Africa, Credo Mutwa identifies beings like tokoloshe as extraterrestrials. Indigenous people often discuss UFOs as a way of affirming tribal myths and legends. Extraterrestrials can help indigenous minorities integrate local cosmologies into global discourse, transforming perceived superstition into an encounter with superhuman beings recognized by UFO enthusiasts. This allows UFOs to recast the role, status, and identity of indigenous peoples in a globalizing world.

Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance

The recurring themes in this article are the interpretation of UFO phenomena within Aboriginal (specifically Warlpiri) cultural frameworks, the contrast between these interpretations and Western narratives, the role of media, the construction of identity through concepts of belonging and 'country,' and the intersection of local cosmology with global discourse. The editorial stance appears to be one of academic inquiry, presenting an analysis of how indigenous cultures adapt and integrate external concepts like UFOs to reinforce their own worldviews and identities, challenging simplistic or ethnocentric interpretations of both UFO beliefs and indigenous cultures.