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2004 00 00 Qualitative Sociology - Vol 27 No 1 - Anne Cross
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Title: The Flexibility of Scientific Rhetoric: A Case Study of UFO Researchers Issue: Vol. 27, No. 1 Date: Spring 2004 Publisher: Human Sciences Press, Inc. Country: United States Language: English ISSN: 0162-0436 Price: $3
Magazine Overview
Title: The Flexibility of Scientific Rhetoric: A Case Study of UFO Researchers
Issue: Vol. 27, No. 1
Date: Spring 2004
Publisher: Human Sciences Press, Inc.
Country: United States
Language: English
ISSN: 0162-0436
Price: $3
This article, authored by Anne Cross, explores how the field of ufology, despite its rejection by mainstream science, has managed to maintain and cultivate a sense of scientific legitimacy. It argues that this legitimacy is achieved not solely through scientific methodologies but significantly through cultural packaging, rhetoric, and the strategic use of scientific language and symbols.
The Construction of Scientific Legitimacy in Ufology
The core argument presented is that ufology demonstrates how scientific legitimacy can be constructed through cultural means. Fringe researchers, like those in ufology, can make their cases by employing a variety of strategies that often do not involve actual research. Outside the conventional scientific community, scientific-sounding explanations and claims of expertise hold sway, capitalizing on ambiguities about what constitutes science. The UFO research community effectively re-appropriates the cultural meaning of science by applying its symbolic frame to its own set of facts and theories.
Despite being removed from the agenda of the scientific establishment in the 1960s, ufology persists as an independent research community that models itself after mainstream science. This article seeks to explain how UFO research has survived as a source of claims accepted by some audiences as scientific. This survival is attributed to a science-heavy cultural strategy that has created an alternative scientific world and a support base for its truth claims.
Ufologists' Methods and Claims
Ufologists' research activities typically begin with the assumption that UFOs are real and that extraterrestrials regularly visit Earth. Their methodologies often diverge sharply from conventional science, incorporating second-hand testimony, hypnosis, sky-watches, and intuition, alongside a vocal emphasis on scientific research, empirical data, and hypothesis testing. Ufologists insist that ufology is a first-class science and that the presence of aliens on Earth is a scientific fact. While it receives little approval from conventional scientific practice, ufology is embraced by its own cultivated audiences, boasting a community that has been active for over fifty years and claims millions of devotees worldwide.
The article highlights the flexibility of scientific rhetoric, noting that it is far more malleable than often acknowledged. The UFO research community exemplifies how science can be used as a cultural signifier, with its 'aroma' being exported, twisted, and fitted to lend credibility to unlikely claims. Ufologists like Jean Jacques Velasco claim their research is ordinary, conventional science, emphasizing empirical testing, statistical study, and "hard data."
Challenges and Strategies for Legitimacy
Presenting ufology as a science has been an uphill battle since the 1960s, especially after the U.S. Air Force's Condon Report deemed UFOs unworthy of scientific study. Researchers like Velasco have sought legitimacy by attempting to reconnect ufology to the conventional scientific community. However, to explain why their work is rejected by mainstream science, they must also create distance from it.
Some ufologists, like Derrel Sims, employ a rhetoric that contradicts and undermines the scientific-style research of others. Sims emphasizes the value of first-hand knowledge over scientific research, citing personal experiences as evidence of alien existence. While Sims' investigations of alien implants are claimed to be scientific, involving dusting for fingerprints and removing implants, his methods differ from conventional scientific research. Despite these differences, overt unconventional researchers coexist with more 'scientific' researchers under the broad umbrella of ufology.
Ufology's parallel world of science is less rigorous and conventionally scientific than academic, government, or commercial laboratories. Nevertheless, it offers insights into the use of science as a symbol of legitimacy. The success of ufology raises questions about how discredited sciences resurrect themselves outside conventional jurisdiction and how they construct their own turf for knowledge-making. It also questions the influence of conventional science on rival groups' ability to spread knowledge to lay audiences.
The diversity within the UFO research community reflects tensions between the goal of gaining legitimacy through scientific methods and the reality of rejection by mainstream science. This dynamic raises questions about the culture of scientific certainty and suggests that the authority of science is somewhat negotiable.
Historical Context and Research Practices
Studies in the sociology of science have examined boundary maintenance, professionalization, and monopolization of legitimacy by scientists. Research programs that do not fit mainstream norms are often cast out as "rejected knowledge." Ufology complements this by demonstrating how scientists defend their intellectual turf and promote their activities as unique and objective. However, most studies focus on internal scientific deviance rather than on groups like ufology that are positioned outside conventional science.
Ufology's history involves a struggle for a place within the scientific establishment. Early in its development, ufologists were involved in official investigations like those led by astronomer Edward Condon. However, the Condon Project's conclusion that UFO reports could be explained by conventional phenomena led to ufology's exile. The Condon Report's proclamation that UFOs were not worthy of further scientific study was devastating to the movement, though some ufologists argue it also alerted them to problems within the mainstream scientific community, such as intolerance.
Ufologists employ several rhetorical strategies to establish credibility. These include emulating mainstream science by framing ufology as an ordinary scientific specialty, promoting accessibility of findings to the public, presenting ufology as an improvement over conventional science, and rejecting scientific logic in favor of unconventional learning processes like telepathy and intuition.
Strategy 1: Emulating Mainstream Science
By packaging and disseminating their findings as products of science, ufologists have created a "shadow science" that is not sanctioned by conventional science but is presented as such. They downplay their exclusion from science and showcase similarities to conventional science and any affiliations with scientific institutions. Despite claims often being outside conventional verification, they are framed as having the full weight of scientific proof. Ufologists have collected "empirical data" on UFOs, with ufology attempting to explain everything from the genesis of mankind to the origins of the Sony Walkman.
Ufology draws on empirical methods, a body of knowledge labeled scientific, and a network of researchers modeled after a scientific specialty. They use terms like "empirical," "scientific," and "expert" synonymously, targeting the lay public rather than mainstream scientists. The terms "ufology" and "ufologist" are used to market their pursuits as legitimate and credible.
Despite difficulties in building a research specialty around unidentified objects, ufology has made ambitious efforts. Concepts like double-blind tests and replicable experiments are discussed, though empiricism is used loosely. "Empirical data" often comes from interviews and hypnotic recollections of alien abductees, with transcripts treated as scientific records.
While ufology insists it is a science, its practices deviate sharply from mainstream norms. "Empirical grounding" is often based on data collected under nonexperimental conditions by "civilian researchers." Ufologists like Jacques Vallee lament the dearth of physical evidence and suggest a cover-up of recovered UFO crashes, noting that crash material is seldom available for "independent study."
Vallee's work includes a "classification of anomalies" that organizes UFO phenomena, using a scientific-like matrix. Other researchers collect soil samples from reported landing sites and search for wreckage. Witness accounts of noises, sights, and smells are recorded and compared, leading to studies published in journals modeled after scientific publications. The "UFO Sounds Analyzed" study, for example, presented a graph derived from witness recollections, estimating decibel levels.
Organizations and Publications
The Mutual UFO Network (MUFON) is described as the largest self-described scientific UFO research organization, with symposia themes consistently emphasizing science and scientific methods. Ufology's self-presentation as a science is evident in its publications, such as the 1995 proceedings titled "UFOLOGY: A Scientific Paradigm." Ufology has grown from a loose network into an extensive set of organizations framed as scientific research centers and institutes, complete with academic-style conferences, peer-reviewed journals, awards, and a comprehensive intellectual canon.
There are at least 350 organizations devoted to UFO research in the United States, ranging from study groups and support groups to centers focused on specific aspects of the UFO phenomenon, such as the Area 51 Research Center.
Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance
The article's recurring theme is the strategic use of scientific rhetoric and cultural framing by ufology to achieve legitimacy in the eyes of a lay audience, despite its rejection by the mainstream scientific community. The editorial stance appears to be analytical and critical, examining the sociological and rhetorical mechanisms by which ufology constructs its authority and presents itself as a scientific endeavor. The author highlights the flexibility and cultural significance of science as a symbol of authority, which can be co-opted by various groups to bolster their claims.
This issue of the UFO Journal, published by the Mutual UFO Network (MUFON) in July 1995, is identified as Number 327 and priced at $3. The cover prominently features the theme "UFOLOGY: A Scientific Paradigm," with accompanying graphics related to the 1995 International UFO Symposium Proceedings.
MUFON and UFO Research Organizations
The article begins by describing Johnson City's Amateur Ufology News as one of many publications catering to amateur researchers. It then introduces the Mutual UFO Network (MUFON) as the largest UFO research organization, established in 1969. MUFON's mission is to study and research the Unidentified Flying Objects (UFOs) phenomenon, encouraging "concentrated scientific study" by dedicated investigators. MUFON operates chapters globally, publishes a monthly journal, certifies investigators, and holds annual symposia. Its headquarters are located in Littleton, Colorado. MUFON serves as a data clearinghouse for UFO reports investigated by its members.
The Chicago-based Center for UFO Studies (CUFOS), founded in 1973, is also highlighted as a self-described scientific organization comprising scientists, academics, investigators, and volunteers who analyze the UFO phenomenon. CUFOS aims to promote serious scientific interest in UFOs and maintain an archive of related reports and publications. It receives UFO reports via a hotline and conducts investigations.
UFO Journals and Scientific Framing
The text discusses how UFO journals frame ufology as a science, often mimicking mainstream scientific publications. "The Flying Saucer Review," published in England since 1955, is noted for its collaboration with numerous international experts. In the U.S., the "Journal for UFO Studies" (JUFOS), established in 1970, claims to be a refereed scientific journal. The monthly "UFO Journal" is the official publication of MUFON, featuring articles by leading ufologists and summaries of sightings. "The International Journal for Scientific Exploration" is also mentioned as a publication that features UFO research and other fringe science topics, aiming to provide a professional forum for scrutiny and criticism.
Scientific Training and Field Investigators
The UFO community emphasizes "scientific training." Titles like "Field Investigator" are sought after, requiring training with local MUFON groups, apprenticeships, and passing a written examination. The "UFO Field Investigator's Training Guide" details methodologies for UFO investigations, including sections on scientific methods like repeatability, testability, hypothesis, and theory. Training sessions often include general science and technical instruction, such as map reading, using a protractor and compass, and understanding atmospheric layers.
Empiricism and Questionable Methods
UFO researchers sometimes assert claims of empiricism even with limited physical documentation. Examples include researcher Jack Lapseritis, who explores the connection between UFOs and "Bigfoot" creatures, claiming empirical documentation through methods like guarding mystical portals and discussing UFOs via telepathy. Dr. Roger Leir, a podiatrist, gained notoriety for removing alleged surveillance devices from abductees, claiming scientific proof in his book "The Aliens and the Scalpel." He and Derrel Sims claim to have found "smoking gun" evidence of extraterrestrial origin in the form of manufactured objects within abductees' bodies.
Strategy 1: Emulating Science
This strategy involves selectively emulating science, focusing on its signifiers rather than its substance. The goal is often to convince laypersons, not mainstream scientists. Examples include lectures that weave miniature science lessons into talks, such as Lloyd Pye's explanations of alien anatomy and the "Starchild" skull. Pye claims the "Starchild" has a larger brain capacity than a typical human. Researchers like Stanton Friedman are approachable, guiding beginners into UFO research organizations. The emphasis is on making research accessible and encouraging participation.
Strategy 2: Ufology as Science Democratized
This approach frames ufology as a liberation and democratization of scientific practice, making scientific methods accessible to everyone. It encourages wide participation and aims to help laypersons understand scientific findings. UFO research is disseminated through commercially viable books and public forums like radio and television. Art Bell's nationally syndicated "Coast to Coast" radio show is cited as a prominent example, reaching millions of listeners.
Strategy 3: Presenting Ufology as More Scientific Than Conventional Science
This strategy involves critiquing conventional science, charging it with hypocrisy and dogmatism. Ufologists argue that their findings are more honest and objective. They view the "scientific establishment" as an enemy that hides the truth about UFOs. This perspective often appeals to those disillusioned with mainstream science or who have faced barriers in conventional scientific careers. Funding issues and discrimination against UFO researchers are cited as obstacles.
Critiques of Conventional Science
Ufologists like Lloyd Pye challenge fundamental tenets of mainstream science, such as Darwinism, arguing that life was brought to Earth by extraterrestrials. They criticize conventional science as being "sanitized, bureaucratized, and 'convenient'" and claim ufology possesses unique expertise. Researchers accuse scientists of bias and ineptitude, with Joe Lewels suggesting that conventional science offers a false, simplistic worldview. J. Allen Hynek criticizes the Condon Report, arguing that mainstream scientists often predetermine UFOs as explainable phenomena without proper investigation. Erich von Daniken compares the current suppression of ideas to the historical persecution of scientists by the Church, noting that "killer phrases" dismiss audacious ideas. Michael Cremo accuses science of "knowledge filtration," hiding evidence that contradicts its findings, citing examples like human bones in geological strata where they supposedly do not belong. Ufologists like Cremo present alternative timelines based on anomalous cases and ancient literature.
Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance
Throughout the issue, a recurring theme is the effort to legitimize ufology as a scientific discipline. This is achieved through various strategies: emulating scientific methods and language, democratizing access to research, and actively critiquing mainstream science. The journal highlights the active role of organizations like MUFON and CUFOS, the importance of field investigators, and the widespread engagement of laypersons. The underlying stance appears to be one of advocating for ufology's scientific validity against perceived resistance and skepticism from conventional scientific institutions. The emphasis on "evidence," "data," and "scientific methods," even when applied in unconventional ways, underscores this central objective.
This document, titled "A Case Study of UFO Researchers," appears to be an excerpt from a larger publication, focusing on the critical stance ufologists take towards conventional science and their methods of establishing legitimacy for their own field.
The Critique of Mainstream Science
The article details how ufologists perceive mainstream science as being "knowledge-filtered," where research that aligns with established ideas is easily accepted, while contradictory evidence is ignored or forgotten. Stanton Friedman is quoted as testifying before Congress that some researchers attempt to fit data to their hypotheses rather than creating hypotheses that fit the data. Attendees at UFO conferences often share the view that mainstream science is misguided and that ufology is a superior source of information, with some believing science is "helpless in any new discovery" or actively "hiding" the truth.
Conventional science is often described by ufologists as "bias-bound purveyors of outdated belief systems." Lloyd Pye is cited for his view that science establishes consensus assumptions as dogma until facts emerge, with these "facts" sometimes enduring for short periods or for long durations. The activities at UFO conferences frequently focus on the shortcomings of conventional science, with speakers invited for their critiques of science, even if they don't directly address UFOs. Topics like "new science," cold fusion, and the healing powers of prayer are discussed, indicating that ufology serves as an "organizational epicenter" for critiquing various aspects of mainstream science.
Jacques Vallee, in his book "Anatomy of a Phenomenon: UFOs in Space—A Scientific Appraisal," is quoted stating that scientists react emotionally and incompetently to UFO reports, neglecting scientific honesty. UFOs are presented as a "litmus test" of honest scientific inquiry, which conventional science allegedly fails. Ufologists are galvanized by the belief that conventional science is misdirected and their work is superior. Many attendees at UFO conferences expressed negative opinions of conventional science, describing it as "extremely close-minded" and subject to "extreme professional pressure to ignore" anomalous phenomena. Some believe scientists "put up the wall" to avoid losing credibility, prioritizing their careers over truth.
Other critiques include scientists being a "close-minded bunch of self-promoters," too "caught up in the prevailing paradigm," "rigid," "blind," and "theory-bound." Some also accuse scientists of heeding "materialistic, monetary motivations" and suggest that forums for "pure" research do not exist.
Alternative Forms of Inquiry
Some ufologists advocate for specific changes in research methodologies, calling for more "empirical" approaches, though often interpreted differently from classical scientific empiricism. The article discusses the "nuts and bolts" style of research, which some UFO abduction researchers engage in for professional credibility, potentially overlooking deeper aspects of abductees' lives. The underlying argument is that science is misdirected and ufology is more reliable for producing truth claims.
A related camp of ufologists insists that truth is delivered through means that science wrongly rejects. They argue that nonphysical dimensions, such as mystical portals, cannot be observed by traditional scientific approaches and must be understood through other means like intuition, revelation, meditation, and "thought manifestation." These approaches are sometimes termed "science," while other times scientific inquiry is explicitly rejected in favor of superiority of other methods.
A common argument is that individuals should find their own answers, with common sense, intuition, and personal testimonials considered credible sources of information. UFO conference speaker James Gilliland emphasized looking within for answers, stating, "You are your own teacher. The god—the goddess is within you!"
Enthusiastic audience members responded positively to Gilliland's message, which then shifted to discussions of physics, vibrations, and consciousness. The idea that "everything is a vibration" is presented, linking emotions to vibrations and suggesting a struggle with "old belief systems" when trying to expand minds.
Some ufologists defend the integrity of personal testimony and witness narratives, claiming that the "consciousness" of ordinary people is superior to lab equipment for collecting UFO data. They argue that testimony should not be refused simply because it doesn't fit a narrow-minded view and that science should be based in experience.
Researcher Jack "Kewaunee" Lapseritis stressed the need for science to be more experiential, to "go out and do your own thing." He believes the scientific paradigm needs to be revamped to include UFOs and telepathy to approach "universal reality and the complete truth." He criticizes science for calling witnesses unreliable, noting that eighty-three people telling him the same thing is reliable.
Ufologists also gather data through unconventional means, such as communicating with aliens in space. Ufologist David Rubien presented a slideshow of aliens and described how they travel, based on his "meditative contact."
Many ufologists adhere to principles of "nonlocal information," drawing on meditation, hypnosis, dreams, and alien contact. They also subscribe to the "quantum hologram" idea, where all matter contains comprehensive information about its history. Former NASA astronaut Edgar Mitchell stated that while scientific endeavors provide clues, other forms of inquiry are essential for "ancient questions" and understanding the nature of the universe, human life, and extraterrestrial intelligence.
Mitchell argued that scientific explanations and cultural explanations are flawed for a space-faring civilization. He aimed to bring consciousness and material science into common understanding, stating that both mystical/religious experience and scientific dogma have been wrong. He believes new scientists are looking at these phenomena, which is "our best shot at it."
Legitimation Strategies and Cultural Packaging
New scientists and ordinary people offer nonscientific proof for UFOs and alien contact, such as marks on bodies or "missing time." Ufologists and followers assert that fitting UFO experiences to a scientific model is misguided, advocating for "larger, better truths." This can lead to reliance on a new logic that adherents claim supersedes science.
Ufologist David Jacobs discusses how abductees make sense of their experiences, noting that alien civilizations value "form over substance." He cites examples of women being asked to nurse hybrid babies, even when not lactating, with evidence provided via "milk samples."
The argument is made that human science cannot competently answer questions about UFOs and aliens, and that information gained through contact transcends science, involving "momentous questions of human destiny." Jack Kewaunee Lasperitis explained that UFO investigations suggest UFOs come to warn Earth of impending danger, citing environmental destruction and rising cancer rates as evidence.
This approach aims to promote ways of knowing other than science and apply them to grand, moral problems. Ufology's strategies reflect a tension between appearing conventionally scientific and distancing itself from the scientific establishment. Ufology needs to connect to scientific methodologies for legitimacy but also highlight its differences from mainstream science.
Ufology's organizational and cultural strategies involve cultivating support networks from nonscientists. It presents itself as a science to attract laypersons and as something other than science for those disenchanted with it. Through critiques and rejection of mainstream science, ufology creates an alternative world for making scientific claims, filling a "credibility vacuum" it creates by discrediting science.
The case of ufology demonstrates that disciplines excluded from the mainstream scientific framework can exist in altered forms outside it, provided they address their detachment and justify their existence. Ufology formulates truth claims as part of a discursive program challenging the authority of conventional science by framing different activities as scientific, or by arguing its work is an improvement over establishment research.
Ufology is understood in terms of cultural processes from which its meanings and "truths" emerge. "Cultural packaging"—a "once-removed indication of scientific authority"—is key in creating knowledge accepted as scientific. This suggests scientific legitimacy is constructed not only from methodologies but also from language, culture, rhetoric, and symbols. Fringe researchers use various strategies, often involving scientific-sounding explanations and proclamations of expert status, to gain legitimacy outside the scientific community.
Methodological Appendix
The author details their research methodology, which involved attending twelve major UFO conferences across ten states. The author observed merchandise areas, trained with a national UFO research organization, became a certified "UFO Field Investigator" and "consultant in sociology," and participated in local UFO organization chapters. They also attended training seminars, went on "sky watches," and were analyzed for "alien abduction" signs. Four UFO museums and research centers were visited.
Internet research was a critical data source, monitoring major UFO research sites and discussion groups, including those of MUFON, Society for Scientific Exploration, National Institute for Discovery Science, International UFO Congress, International Center for Abduction Research, Institute for UFO Research, Center for UFO Studies, and Flying Saucer Review. The author also hosted an Internet site on UFO research and assisted UFO community members with their sites.
Primary source literature examined included back issues of UFO journals, "symposia proceedings" over fifty years, videos of conference presentations, and UFO manifestos. Data was coded and analyzed using methodologies outlined by Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw, and Katz, along with John and Lyn Lofland's "Analyzing Social Settings." Content analysis worksheets and bibliographic summaries were used for organization, and interviews were recorded and coded.
Acknowledgments and References
The author thanks Kai Erikson, Joshua Gamson, Debra Minkoff, Rachel Rannow, John Schuessler, Becky Simonson, Leo Sprinkle, Robert Zussman, and anonymous reviewers. The references section lists numerous works related to UFO research, sociology of science, and ethnographic methodology.
Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance
The recurring theme is the pervasive critique of mainstream science by ufologists, who view it as inadequate, biased, and resistant to anomalous phenomena like UFOs. The editorial stance appears to be an objective analysis of ufology's methods, arguments, and legitimation strategies, presenting their perspective without necessarily endorsing it. The document highlights how ufology constructs its own framework for understanding reality, often by contrasting it with and challenging conventional scientific paradigms.
This document, titled "A Case Study of UFO Researchers," is presented as page 33 of a larger publication. It functions as a comprehensive bibliography, listing a wide array of academic and popular literature relevant to the study of individuals and organizations involved in UFO research.
Cited Works and Themes
The bibliography showcases a diverse range of scholarly and popular works, reflecting an interdisciplinary approach to understanding UFO phenomena and the people who study them. Key themes emerging from the cited literature include:
Sociology of Science and Methodology
A significant portion of the references delves into the sociology of science, examining the methodologies, practices, and social construction of scientific facts. Works by authors such as Katz, Knorr-Cetina, Mulkay, Latour, and Shapin explore how scientific knowledge, particularly in fields like UFO research, is developed and validated. Specific attention is given to qualitative research methods, fieldwork, and the analysis of scientific settings.
- Fieldwork and Methodology: Katz (1988) discusses the system of analytic fieldwork, while Lofland & Lofland (1984) provide a guide to qualitative observation and analysis. Spencer (1995) offers a UFO field investigator's training guide.
- Social Construction of Science: Latour & Woolgar (1986) examine "Laboratory life: The social construction of scientific facts." Lynch (1985) looks at "Art and artifact in laboratory science."
- Sociological Perspectives: Mulkay (1980) reviews the "Sociology of science in the West," and Moore (1996) discusses "Organizing integrity: American science and the creation of public interest organizations."
Specific UFO Phenomena and Cases
The bibliography also highlights research into specific UFO-related topics and alleged encounters:
- Extraterrestrial Implants and Encounters: Leir (1998) investigates "The aliens and the scalpel: Scientific proof of extraterrestrial implants." Mitchell (1998) poses the question, "Alien presence: Yes or no?" Mack (1994) explores "Abduction: Human encounters with aliens."
- Humanoid Reports: McKay (1976) analyzed "Humanoid reports."
- UFO Investigations and Evidence: Sims (1998) examines "Medical and scientific evidence of alien contact." Stanford (1976) discusses "Ufology and the digital computer."
- Theories and Connections: Lapseritis (1998) explores the "Psychic Sasquatch-The Bigfoot-UFO connection." Lewels (1998) questions "Angels or aliens? The controversy over the God hypothesis."
Key Organizations and Conferences
Several organizations and conferences dedicated to UFO research are frequently cited, indicating their importance in the field:
- Mutual UFO Network (MUFON): Multiple entries refer to MUFON symposia and publications (e.g., MUFON, 1979; Spencer, 1995; Lorgen, 1999). The organization's website is also referenced (MUFON, 2003).
- The UFO Experience: This publication or conference appears to be a significant venue, with several articles cited from its issues (e.g., Lapseritis, 1998; Lewels, 1998; Mitchell, 1998; Rubien, 1998; Sims, 1998; White, 1998).
- Other Conferences: Rocky Mountain UFO Conference, Ozark UFO Conference, and the Society for Scientific Exploration Conference are also noted.
Notable Researchers and Authors
The bibliography includes works by prominent figures in UFO research and related academic fields:
- Jacques Vallée: Author of seminal works like "Anatomy of a phenomenon" (1965) and "Physical analyses in ten cases of unexplained aerial objects" (1998).
- Budd Hopkins: Author of "Abduction: Human encounters with aliens" (1994).
- J. Allen Hynek: While not directly cited in this snippet, the context of UFO research often includes his work.
- Sociologists of Science: Authors like Knorr-Cetina, Mulkay, Latour, and Shapin bring sociological perspectives to the study of scientific communities and practices.
Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance
The editorial stance, as inferred from the bibliography, appears to be one that acknowledges and engages with UFO research as a legitimate area of study, employing rigorous academic and sociological frameworks. The inclusion of works on scientific methodology, the sociology of science, and critical analysis suggests an effort to understand the phenomenon and its study from multiple perspectives, rather than dismissing it outright. The range of topics covered indicates a broad interest in the nature of UFO evidence, the experiences of witnesses, and the social and scientific processes involved in investigating these claims. The emphasis on qualitative research and the social construction of facts suggests a nuanced approach, recognizing that the study of UFOs involves not only the phenomena themselves but also the human and social factors surrounding their investigation and interpretation.