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1993 00 00 Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica - Ghost Rocket hysteria - Bartholomew
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This issue of Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, published in 1993, features an article titled "Redefining epidemic hysteria: an example from Sweden" by R. E. Bartholomew. The article critically examines the prevailing paradigms for understanding epidemic hysteria, particularly the…
Magazine Overview
This issue of Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, published in 1993, features an article titled "Redefining epidemic hysteria: an example from Sweden" by R. E. Bartholomew. The article critically examines the prevailing paradigms for understanding epidemic hysteria, particularly the work of François Sirois, and presents a case study of the "ghost rocket" phenomenon in Sweden in 1946.
Redefining Epidemic Hysteria: An Example from Sweden
The article begins by discussing François Sirois' influential paradigm for diagnosing episodes of epidemic hysteria. Sirois' schema categorizes outbreaks into five types, from explosive to large diffuse outbreaks, viewing mass hysteria as a stress-induced mental disorder masked by cultural custom. The author, R. E. Bartholomew, argues that Sirois' category for large diffuse outbreaks is problematic because it overlooks the potential social, cultural, political, ritualistic, and institutional patterning of collective behavior. Bartholomew contends that this approach, rooted in a universalist Western psychiatric model, can lead to the misinterpretation of unfamiliar conduct codes, differing world-views, covert political resistance, or culturally conditioned social roles as symptoms of mental disorder.
The Ghost Rocket Episode of 1946
To illustrate these concerns, Bartholomew presents the case of the "ghost rocket" episode in Sweden during 1946, which is typically classified as a large diffuse outbreak of epidemic hysteria. Between May and September 1946, thousands of sightings of mysterious aerial objects, described as ghost rockets or phantom missiles, were reported across Scandinavia, with the majority originating from Sweden. The Swedish military investigated 997 reports. A widespread folk theory emerged, suggesting these were remote-controlled German V-rockets confiscated by the Soviets at the end of World War II.
Astronomer Louis Winkler is cited as correlating these phenomena with geomagnetic comets, attributing them to high solar activity and dispersed orbital streams. Preliminary phenomena, such as auroras over Helsinki and Stockholm, are noted as correlating with solar events.
Sociocultural Context and Media Influence
Initially, the luminous aerial phenomena were viewed with curiosity, but by May 1946, reports began to be interpreted as possible "experiments with secret weapons." The media, particularly two major Swedish newspapers, initiated daily coverage, and following a surge in sightings, began describing the events as "radio bombs." This reinterpretation, amplified by newspapers, framed the ambiguous aerial perceptions within a context of fear and potential destruction, linking them to the recent war and the presence of Soviets in northern Europe. The long-held fears of Russian invasion in Scandinavia, coupled with the uncertainty of Soviet territorial claims, created fertile ground for rumors of hostile Russian intentions.
Institutional Legitimacy and Public Anxiety
Press speculation about "radio bombs" or "rocket projectiles" provided a familiar, albeit alarming, label. The official investigation by the Swedish defense staff, including extensive field investigations and examination of purported "crash" fragments, lent public legitimacy to the rumors. Despite no rocket being verified, these public actions reinforced the belief that the Soviets were testing rockets. Military authorities' statements about "experiments from a potentially hostile enemy" heightened public anxiety. The ambiguity surrounding the rockets' origin and purpose, combined with existing fears and recent war memories, made the situation highly tense and plausible.
The Transformation of Ambiguity into Threat
As the existence of rockets became more widely accepted, ordinary events were reinterpreted through this new lens. Fires with no obvious cause, such as one at a farmstead in Sundsvall and a major fire at the Svartvike sulfite factory, were attributed to ghost bombs. The death of cows in Jämtland was blamed on poisonous material from a rocket. Even the crash of a Swedish warplane at Vaggeryd led to speculation of a space rocket collision.
Prosaic objects and markings near sighting locations also became subjects of intense scrutiny. A "pit in the ground" in central Sweden was investigated as a potential "ghost bomb mark." A farmer in southern Sweden found what he believed to be a rocket projectile, later identified as a dislodged airplane antenna. Another strange metal object found in mid-August was described as "a couple of copper objects" that seemed old and lacked marks of a fall, leading experts to doubt it was a space projectile component.
Discussion: Critiquing Sirois' Classification
Bartholomew critiques Sirois' "large diffuse outbreak" category for isolating behavior from its social, cultural, political, and institutional complexity. He notes that such outbreaks often lack the preponderance of female or adolescent participants and the psychogenic symptoms typical of other hysteria categories. Instead, symptoms like anxiety, palpitations, nervousness, and fear are common. The article contrasts this with other examples like the "phantom prowler" of Matoon, Illinois, which primarily affected women and involved symptoms like coughing and nausea, and East African running manias, which involved large numbers of both sexes and appeared to be related to political resistance.
The article further examines historical examples like dancing mania and Tarantism, arguing that women were not overwhelmingly represented and that these phenomena were often pandemic, highly ritualized, and provided opportunities for cultural expression or religious observance. The author suggests that participation in these events could be driven by loneliness, sexual gratification, curiosity, physical stimulation, fear of violence, searching for family, adventure, or free food. Symptoms like chest pain, shortness of breath, fainting, and tremor are seen as expectable from large populations engaging in intense fasting, religious excitement, and frenzied dancing.
Bartholomew argues that seemingly strange beliefs, such as the Martian invasion panic, mutilation scares, or perceptions of mysterious aerial objects, are often viewed as irrational. However, he posits that rationality is not solely dependent on objective reality but on the social circumstances surrounding belief formation. These "large diffuse delusions" are thus described as "nonrational," involving plausible social realities that gain potency within specific sociocultural settings. They are no more irrational than widespread social realities like Islam, Christianity, or astrology, and should not be categorized as mental disorders or the result of a dysfunctional social order.
Acknowledgement
The author expresses gratitude to Thomas E. Bullard for collecting and translating Swedish newspaper accounts.
References
The article includes an extensive list of 69 references, citing works on epidemic hysteria, collective behavior, UFO phenomena, historical events, and social psychology.
Recurring Themes and Editorial Stance
The central theme of the article is the critique of a purely psychological or psychiatric model for understanding collective social phenomena like epidemic hysteria. It advocates for a more nuanced approach that integrates sociocultural, political, and historical contexts. The article challenges the universalist assumptions of Western psychiatric models and emphasizes the importance of understanding beliefs within their specific social realities. The editorial stance appears to favor a more anthropological and sociological interpretation of such events, viewing them as complex social behaviors rather than solely as manifestations of individual or group psychopathology.